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Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part I Conservatism and Union Decline -- 1 Conservatism and the War on Labor -- 2 Consensus, Constraints, Conflict -- 3 Unions and Leaders -- Part II Unionism: Strategies of Repression -- 4 Employers, Mercenaries, and Armed Force -- 5 The Legal System: "We Are the Law -- 6 Steel: 1892 and 1919 -- 7 Critical Conflicts: Railway, Craft, and Industrial Unionism -- Part III Labor-left Politics: Strategies of Repression -- 8 Socialists and Sedition: The World War I Era -- 9 Un-Americanism: World War II and Cold War Eras -- 10 Peculiarities of the American Political System -- 11 Labor-left Politics -- Part IV Strategies of Economic Manipulation and Violence -- 12 Subtler Technologies of Subjection: Managing Workers -- 13 Labor Law, the NLRB, and Gentrified Union Busters -- 14 Macroeconomic and Political Manipulations -- Part V The Power to Repress -- 15 That Peculiar Institution, American Capitalism -- 16 The Media Monopoly -- 17 Reprise and Prospects -- Notes -- About the Book and Author -- Index

Argues that because proceeds from the stock market do not return to the corporation, its function is more like gambling than investing and discusses the impact of speculation on the US economy, Asia, and the developing countries.

An examination of the situation of the homeless in the US, & particularly in New York City. The past treatment of homeless populations is reviewed. This group, which evokes both fear & charity, includes three subpopulations: elderly individuals, young Ms without employment, & deinstitutionalized mental patients. The disappearance of institutionalized welfare entitlements, in a society that has lost the medieval traditions of direct charity, leaves this population faced with serious want; a restoration of charity appears important as one aspect of meeting this need. W. H. Stoddard.

Though other issues exist, the basic issues and problems in city schools arise from a conflict of interests be tween haves and have-nots. Race appears as a subdimension of the larger problem. The major contours of this engagement are seen at the federal level where the power exists to make governing decisions about school financing and in state govern ment where conservative and usually anticity interests domi nate. It is seen in a dimmer but far more explosive form in the city itself where have-nots, mainly Negroes, are pressing demands for school equity. Class lines are somewhat redrawn within liberal city governments and school systems. Negro demands give the illusion that the issue is strictly racial al though, in fact, the educational and political interests of other have-not and liberal leadership groups run parallel and converge more often than they diverge.

Though other issues exist, the basic problems in city Sch's arise from a conflict of interests between haves & have-nots. Race appears as a subdimension of the larger problem. The major contours of this engagement are seen at the federal level where the power exists to make governing decisions about Sch financing & in state gov where conservative & anticity interests dominate. It is seen in a dimmer but far more explosive form in the city itself where have-nots, mainly Negroes, are pressing demands for Sch equity. Class lines are somewhat redrawn within liberal city gov's & Sch systems. Negro demands give the illusion that the issue is strictly racial though, in fact, the educ 'al & pol'al interests of other have-not & liberal leadership groups run parallel & converge more often than they diverge. AA.