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The second edition ofEuropean Union Foreign Policy in a Changing World provides a clear introduction to the complexities of contemporary European foreign policy and offers a fresh and distinctive perspective on the nature of the EU's international identity. Thoroughly revised and expanded, the book explores how and why the EU tries to achieve five core foreign policy objectives: the encouragement of regional cooperation; the advancement of human rights; the promotion of democracy and good governance; the prevention of violent conflicts; and the fight against international crime, including terrorism. In pursuing these goals, the book illustrates how the EU is faced with acute policy dilemmas because the five objectives not only clash with each other, but also with additional policy priorities – such as securing energy supplies or establishing strategic partnerships with key powers. The uniqueness of the EU as a global actor is carefully assessed, and its key policies and the related dilemmas it faces compared with those of other international actors. This well-written and thoroughly researched book will be a valuable resource for undergraduate and postgraduate students of European politics, foreign policy analysis, international relations and related disciplines. Karen Smith is Reader in International Relations at the London School of Economics.

Cover -- Half-Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Tables -- Preface -- List of Abbreviations -- 1 Conceptualizing EU Foreign Policymaking -- 1.1 Some Definitions -- 1.2 The Community and EPC/CFSP -- 1.3 Different Theories, Different Answers -- 1.4 Outline of the Book -- 2 The Community's Relations with Eastern Europe Through 1988 -- 2.1 EC Relations with the CMEA and its Member States -- 2.1.1 Towards a Common Commercial Policy -- 2.1.2 The Community's Relations with Individual CMEA States -- 2.1.3 EEC-CMEA Relations -- 2.2 EPC, the EC and the CSCE -- 2.3 Trade and Security -- 2.3.1 The Polish Crisis -- Conclusion -- 3 Developing a Common Foreign Policy Towards Eastern Europe, 1988-9 -- 3.1 Towards a Community Ostpolitik -- 3.2 Trade and Cooperation Agreements -- 3.2.1 Provisions of the Agreements -- 3.2.2 Conditionality in Practice -- 3.2.3 Further Trade Concessions -- Conclusion -- 4 Aid -- 4.1 The Commission's Role in Coordinating G-24 Aid -- 4.2 PHARE -- 4.3 Loans -- 4.4 The Community's Role in Establishing the EBRD -- Conclusion -- 5 Association -- 5.1 East Germany's Incorporation into the Community -- 5.1.1 Community Policy Towards the GDR -- 5.1.2 Widening the Community -- 5.2 Widening versus Deepening: Round One -- 5.3 The Europe Agreements -- 5.3.1 Developing the Association Concept -- 5.3.2 Negotiating the Europe Agreements -- 5.3.3 Content of the Europe Agreements -- Conclusion -- 6 Integration -- 6.1 Towards Copenhagen -- 6.1.1 Improving Market Access -- 6.1.2 Widening versus Deepening: Round Two -- 6.2 Preparing for Accession -- 6.2.1 The Pre-Accession Strategy -- 6.2.2 Consolidating the Structured Relationship -- 6.3 Who Joins First? -- Conclusion -- 7 Conflict Prevention -- 7.1 Threats to Security in Eastern Europe -- 7.2 The Union's Response to Internal Threats -- 7.2.1 Conditionality.

Russia's ongoing invasion of Ukraine is the most severe challenge that the European Union faces. The EU has generally responded in a united and robust manner, overcoming the clash of national interests that had previously characterized its policymaking vis-à-vis Russia. The most transformative and significant decision that the EU has made is to treat Ukraine as a candidate for EU membership. However, cracks have appeared in the EU's unity, and the enlargement process will be long and difficult—and it could be derailed if Ukraine's territorial integrity is not restored. That will depend on increased European efforts and continued US military assistance to Ukraine, neither of which appear certain.

This article assesses the role that emotions play in European Union foreign policy-making. EU decision-making has often been depicted as technocratic and 'de-dramatized', yet there are still situations in which emotions can affect the process and outcomes of foreign policy decision-making. Using examples of the EU's responses to crises in Ukraine and Myanmar, the article illustrates that emotions can motivate the taking of particular decisions at particular times. Further, the EU expresses emotions in its foreign policy communications, although its use of emotional diplomacy may not be accompanied by substantive action appropriate to the emotions expressed, thus revealing the existence of an emotions–action gap. The 'emotional turn' in foreign policy analysis can open up new directions for research in EU foreign policy, and the conclusion considers other promising avenues for researching emotions and EU foreign policy.

AbstractForeign policy analysis (FPA) opens the "black box" of the state and provides explanations of how and why foreign policy decisions are made, which puts individuals and groups (from committees to ministries) at the center of analysis. Yet the sex of the decision-maker and the gendered nature of the decision-making process have generally been left out of the picture. FPA has not addressed questions regarding the influence of women in foreign policy decision-making processes or the effects of gender norms on decision-making; indeed, FPA appears to be almost entirely gender-free. This article argues that "gendering" FPA is long overdue and that incorporating gender into FPA frameworks can provide a richer and more nuanced picture of foreign policy–making.

[A] more mercurial United States, less consistent in its support for European integration, could force the EU to rely more on itself.

This article assesses the impact of 'group politics' in the particularly contentious debates of the United Nations (un) Human Rights Council and the un General Assembly regarding gender equality and discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. The article identifies those groups that have been most active in the debates, and then analyses how and why they have shaped debates and norms in this area, how they interact with each other, and whether groups help to facilitate consensus or foster polarization in debates. The article examines the extent to which these groups are cohesive, and identifies the norms that each group puts forward in debates (through statements and resolutions). It then assesses and explains their impact on outcomes, the creation of shared norms and the potential for collective action. It further explores the implications of increasing cross-regional group activity in the Human Rights Council.

AbstractThis article addresses two questions about the EU's and EU Member States' diplomacy in the UN General Assembly's Third Committee and the Human Rights Council: have EU Member States been more, or less, active outside the framework of EU co‐ordination since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty? Has EU activity increased? The findings are that EU Member States have been increasingly active at the Human Rights Council and have increasingly worked with other states outside of the EU, while the level of EU activity has remained largely the same. In the Third Committee, Member States speak more than the EU but neither the EU nor Member States have been sponsoring more resolutions. Europeanization is 'arrested' in these cases, as Member States are reluctant to push for more EU activity because both the internal intergovernmental decision‐making system and external context discourage it.

This editorial introduces the special issue, and considers what the articles in it tell us about the prospects of mass atrocity prevention.

This editorial introduces the special issue, and considers what the articles in it tell us about the prospects of mass atrocity prevention

The EU is a powerful model for the rest of the world: Most neighboring countries wish to join it rather than balance it or resist it, and other regional groupings around the world seek to emulate it.