Term tasamuh sering dipadankan dengan term toleransi yang telah menjadi istilah mutakhir bagi hubungan antara dua pihak yang berbeda secara idiologi maupun konsep. Term tasamuh dan toleransi berbeda secara substantif dan terminologis tetapi hal tersebut tetap didekatkan penggunaannya dalam konteks agama, sosial budaya dan politik sebagai implikasi dari perbauran budaya yang tidak dapat dihindari dewasa ini.
Economic growth and development of the nations largely depend on the quantity and quality of their labour force. In Pakistan, a sizeable segment of population is considered as out of labour force. For instance, the overall labour force participation rate for the age 15 years and above remained roughly in the range of 49 percent to 53 percent during 1974-75 to 2012-13. This means that of the total population in 2012-13, aged 15 years and above, 53 percent is economically active or part of labour force whereas 47 percent is economically inactive or out of labour force. And more than 75 percent of the women population is considered as economically in-active. In addition, the labour market statistics show that a smaller proportion of women than men, age 15 years and above, are employed. The unemployment rate among women is higher than men. One of the possible explanations of this gender gap is gender discrimination in the labour market. In this context, this paper aims to analyse the behaviour of female and male in labour force participation by empirically investigating the determinants of labour force participation, and access to paid job for both female and male. It also shed light on occupational gender inequalities. It is believed that these types of analyses help designing better policies to increase employment opportunities for both females and males. They also facilitate suggesting various practical measures that can be incorporated in gender sensitised employment policies that in turn could lead towards greater labour force participation.
The financial status of provincial governments in Pakistan hinges largely on federal transfers to the provinces constituted through National Finance Commission (NFC) Awards. These awards design the formula of distribution of resources between federal and provincial governments, and among the provinces for five years. Historically, federal and all provincial governments have tried their level best to get a higher share of the revenues in order to stabilise their own financial status. As a result, there are very few examples of consensus based conclusive awards in the past. These consensus based awards have had different gainers. For instance, in the NFC Award 1991, provincial governments were the main beneficiaries as they received substantially higher shares of buoyant taxes such as sales and income taxes. In contrast, the largest beneficiary of the NFC Award 1997 was the federal government as it allocated higher shares of all taxes to itself in order to stabilise its financial status. Given the sensitivity attached to NFC awards, where an increase or decrease in the share of any tier of the government affects the share of other tiers with the same magnitude in the opposite direction, it seems very difficult to develop a consensus among federal and provincial governments. As a result, since the separation of East Pakistan, there have been only three conclusive NFC Awards (1974, 1991, 1997) and one presidential distribution order (2006) prior to the 7th NFC Award.
It is generally believed that education is one of the basic rights of every human being, irrespective of sex, age, creed, religion, etc. Moreover, the target of universal primary education cannot be achieved without female access to educational opportunities, which contains several external benefits. In addition, access to educational opportunities assumes prime importance for empowerment of women. However, inequalities in access to education between males and females can be found in many countries across the world including Pakistan. According to conventional wisdom, a combination of cultural, social, and economic factors are responsible for placing young girls and women at a serious disadvantage vis-a-vis access to school and the prospect of completing their education. This disadvantage can be altered through public policies including gender sensitive public spending on education. The above assertion about the role of public policy is based on the theory of public finance1, which demonstrates that public expenditure on education can affect the population in a number of ways, which has significant gender dimensions. For example, government spending on primary education is likely to generate more income for women than spending on universities, for the simple reason that there are relatively more women primary school teachers than women university lecturers. Moreover, these expenditures provide subsidized educational services, which is a form of "in kind transfers". These "in-kind transfers" improve the current well-being of the recipients, and enhance their longer-run income-earning potential. They can be considered as both current and capital transfers to the recipients, and therefore can be termed as the "benefit incidence" of public spending. The main concern of this paper is to assess the gender dimension of the benefitincidence". The tudy has two basic objectives. First and foremost, it aims to investigate which income group actually benefits from the government's subsidized
An adequate provision of social services is a concurrent function of federal and provincial governments. However, in Pakistan, the financing and delivery of social services largely prevails in the hands of provinces and major sources of revenues in the hand of federal government, which creates vertical imbalances. Federal transfers are the mechanism for their correction and these are constituted through the National Finance Commission (NFC) Awards. The last NFC Award was constituted in 1997 and it changed both the size of divisible pool and the share of federal and provincial governments in the divisible pool. The changed provincial shares have based on higher tax revenue collection, which was not materialised during the following four-year period after the award. Therefore, provincial governments experienced the shortfall in the federal transfers during last four years after the award and have experienced a lower growth in transfers than projected in 1997 NFC Award. This is in contrast with the provincial experience during 1991 NFC Award, in which provinces had received higher revenue transfers from federal government than projected.
A Marxist understanding of the ills of capitalism is applicable to 21st -century capitalism. Motivated by surpluses, capitalism become global in its endeavour of outsourcing production and capital labour substitution. As a result, the capitalist core established an exploitative relationship with the developing and under-developed third world countries. In order to protect their interests and to keep the antagonistic feelings below the threshold, the bourgeoisie elite utilized every tool available to strengthen their control over the resources, maintained their hegemony and absorb counter-hegemonic ideas. The article is an attempt to understand the Marxist interpretation of capitalism and debate in its relevance to 21st -century international politics. With the help of the Iraq war, the article concludes that Marxism and Marxist inspired theoretical interpretation is the best lens to explain the operation of capitalism at the world stage.
Islamic law cannot be separated from the context of the social life of Muslims in Indonesia. This paper discusses the material analysis of the Compilation of Islamic Law which consists of Marriage, Inheritance and Waqf associated with the social problems of Muslims in Indonesia. The compilation of Islamic Laws received juridical justification with Presidential Instruction No. 1 of 1991, is a form of political Islamic law in Indonesia that is less than perfect because it does not go through the legislation of the legislative body and is a shortcut in establishing and positivating Islamic law. The material of KHI, especially marriage and inheritance, is considered inadequate to accommodate the social problems of Indonesian Muslims. ; Hukum Islam tidak bisa dilepaskan dalam konteks kehidupan sosial umat Islam di Indonesia. Tulisan ini membahas tentang analisis materi Kompilasi Hukum Islam yang terdiri dari Pernikahan, Kewarisan dan Perwakafan dikaitkan dengan problematika sosial umat Islam di Indonesia. Kompilasi Hukum Islam mendapatkan justifikasi yuridis dengan Inpres No. 1 tahun 1991, merupakan bentuk politik hukum Islam di Indonesia yang kurang sempurna karena tidak melalui legislasi badan legislatif dan merupakan jalan pintas dalam penetapan dan mempositifkan hukum Islam. Materi KHI terutama perkawinan dan kewarisan dinilai tidak memadai untuk mewadahi problem sosial umat Islam Indonesia.
This research discussed about the relationship between men and women. In the existing reality, women are still marginalized since ancient times until now. This is due to the influence of understanding on religious texts and various other factors so that the differences in the relationship between the two can be seen in all aspects of life. The research method used is library research. In this study, it is argued that in the perspective of Islamic law, the relationship between the two is the same in terms of identity to the creator (worship of mahdah and gairu mahdah) as well as in the constitution that everyone has the same rights on politic, law, voting, and education. Everyone without exception has protection and right in the law. ; Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengemukakan tentang relasi antara laki-laki dengan perempuan. Dalam kenyataan yang ada, perempuan masih termarginalkan sejak dahulu hingga sekarang. Demikian itu dilatarbelakangi oleh pengaruh dalam memahami doktrin keagamaan dan berbagai faktor lainnya sehingga perbedaan relasi antara keduanya dapat terlihat segala aspek kehidupan. Library research atau penilitian pustaka merupakan jenis penelitian yang dipilih. Dikemukakan bahwa dalam perspektif syariat Islam relasi antara keduanya sama dalam hal kepribadatan kepada sang pencipta (ibadah mahda dan gairu mahda) dan begitupun dalam konstitusi seperti bidang politik, persamaan dihadapan hukum, hak suara dan pendidikan. Bahwa setiap manusia mempunyai hak serta kedudukan sama tanpa dipersyaratkan dan dikecualikan dalam memperoleh perlindungan dan hak-hak dalam hukum.
This study attends to analyze the ulama perspective regarding the corruption, gift and grants, as well as the actions taken to prevent corruption. Qualitative descriptive is type of this research and uses a juridical sociology approach in analyzing corruption. Prizes and grants that are assumed to be gratuities are basically commendable acts but can lead to criminal acts of corruption when related to officials government. while the ulama agree that corruption is an illegal act. And the preventing and overcoming corruption is to carry out strict supervision and to give strict sanctions to the perpetrators.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa pandangan ulama menyangkut korupsi, hadiah dan hibah, serta tindakan yang dilakukan dalam mencegah tindak pidana korupsi. Deskriptif kualitatif merupakan jenis penelitian ini dan menggunakan pendekatan sosiologi yuridis dalam menganalisis tindak pidana korupsi. Hadiah dan hibah yang diasumsikan sebagai gratifikasi pada dasarnya merupakan perbuatan terpuji namun bisa berujung pada tindak pidana korupsi apabila berkaitan dengan pejabat. Sementara ulama bersepakat bahwa korupsi adalah perbuatan haram. Hal yang dilakukan dalam pencegahan dan penanggulangan tindak pidana korupsi ialah melakukan pengawasan ketat dan memberikan sanksi yang tegas kepada para pelaku.
It is generally believed that the 7th National Finance Commission (NFC) Award and 18th Constitutional Amendment have taken a major step towards much needed fiscal decentralisation. While these two delegate more fiscal autonomy and transfers additional resources towards provinces, it seems difficult that tax decentralisation options provided in these two can practically be implemented. This assertion is based on historical tax decentralisation debate in Pakistan, which has made it a very complex issue in management of public finances. There are arguments both in favour and against tax decentralisation in Pakistan. Its proponents argue that tax decentralisation is an important principle of governance. They generally propose three advantages of fiscal decentralisation including; preference-matching, efficiency through competition, and increased accountability. In particular, a rational assignment of taxing powers helps providing each level of government, a control over its fiscal destiny by allowing it the choice in the level of spending. It helps assuring taxpayers that they are getting what they paid for and consequently may stimulate participation and improve/increase accountability. According to Bahl (1999), fiscal decentralisation assists in revenue mobilisation, innovation in economic activity, accountability of elected officials and grassroots participation in governance. Given this, it is probable that fiscal decentralisation lead towards improved efficiency in the use of resources as the residents in the sub-national governments can decide about their desired mix of public services and revenues that best suits them.
One of the main caveats of Pakistan's economic development history is the persistence of gender inequality with respect to almost all socioeconomic indicators. For instance, Pakistan ranks 66, out of 75 countries, with respect to the Gender Empowerment Measure (Human Development Report, 2006) with a GEM value of 0.377, largely a manifestation of very low estimated female to male earned income ratio, which is a depressing 0.29. GEM and other labour force statistics confirm the gender gap in labour force participation. One of the possible explanations of this gender gap is gender discrimination in the labour market, particularly in wages. Evidence with respect to gender discrimination in Pakistan's labour market is welldocumented. Siddique, et al. (2006), Nasir and Nazli (2000), Siddique, et al. (1998) and Ashraf and Ashraf (1993) all confirm that men earn higher wages than women even after controlling for measurable characteristics affecting their productivity. These studies, however, analyse the gender wage gap by comparing the mean male/female wage. Studies which compare the gender wage gap at different points along the wage distribution are not available for Pakistan.
It is apparent from various labour force surveys that during the past 20 years Pakistan's employed labour force has become more "educated". For instance, according to the Labour Force Survey 1982-83, 28 percent of the employed labour force had attained formal education.12 In comparison, the literate employed labour force in 1999- 2000 is estimated at 46 percent, while the formally educated is 43 percent. However, the pattern of growth in educated labour force is not uniform in all four provinces of the country. A closer look at disaggregated provincial level data reflects the disparity in employed labour force in the four provinces: Punjab, Sind, NWFP, and Baluchistan.
An agenda of economic reform encompassing a broad range of structural adjustment policies (SAP) is underway in Pakistan since 1987-88. These policies have an adverse impact on the pace of economic growth and created more poverty and inequality in the country [see Bengali and Ahmed (2002); Kemal (2003)]. These studies argues that during the last fifteen years each government is trying to stabilise the economy even at the cost of economic growth and delivery of social services. The negative impact of stabilisation policies on economic growth of the country is reflected in the decline of GDP growth from an average annual growth of 4.6 percent during 1990s as compared to 6.5 percent during 1980s. Similarly, negligence of social services delivery is reflected in the recent UNDP Report (2003), which, show that the ranking of Pakistan has slipped from 136 to 141 along with the decline in many other social sector statistics. The top government officials now also recognise these facts and the relapse of growth oriented policy can be heard more often. Trend in public finance statistics of the country clearly indicate that one of the important victim of stabilisation policies are the expenditures of provincial governments. In last several years the significant portion of onus of containment of fiscal deficit has been shifted towards the provincial governments. The onus of containment of fiscal deficit by all four provincial governments during the last decade has increased from 18 percent to 50 percent, which has devastating impact on the service provision and poverty reduction.