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Abstract. Studies of political participation have traditionally differentiated conventional from non‐conventional, legal from illegal, modes of participation. In this paper we to develop a more complex scheme, using the technique of multidimensional scaling (MDS). We look at the perceptions that individuals hold about different forms of political participation that range from voting to armed violence and include other legal or illegal manifestations. The results show the existence of two meaningful underlying dimensions. The first relates to 'within‐system'versus 'out‐of‐system'activities; the second relates to 'progressive'versus 'conservative'activities. A cluster analysis is then used to develop a typology of political participation.

Survey data obtained from 57 undergraduates at the U of Santiago de Compostela, Spain, are used to examine the nature of various categories of political involvement. Respondents were asked to judge the level of similarity between 13 kinds of political involvement, & multidimensional scaling was applied to identify the underlying factors affecting political participation. A resultant two-dimensional configuration differentiates between within-system & out-of-system activities, & progressive & conservative activities. Cluster analysis identifies four distinct types of political behavior: electoral persuasion, & conventional, violent, & direct nonviolent participation. It is noted that the arbitrariness of some classifications of political participation obscures distinctions between different forms of violent, & of nonviolent, participation. 2 Figures, 31 References. L. Baker

In this work we look into the individuals' reasons that led Occupy protesters to participate in this movement. We interviewed Occupy participants in the UK and Spain. We wanted to find out if the reasons that lead them to participate are the same in both countries. The context of the country where the demonstration was held was taken into account, as well as the differences there may be in the reasons for participation if we consider whether they are occasional or regular participants in collective protest actions. Using a two-by-two design defined by country of demonstration and the history of mobilisation (occasional vs. regular), our results show important differences in both factors. The study contributes to the literature, highlighting the importance of analysing the context where the demonstration takes place and which motives must be underlined in order to attract participants to protests.

In this work we look into the individuals' reasons that led Occupy protesters to participate in this movement. We interviewed Occupy participants in the UK and Spain. We wanted to find out if the reasons that lead them to participate are the same in both countries. The context of the country where the demonstration was held was taken into account, as well as the differences there may be in the reasons for participation if we consider whether they are occasional or regular participants in collective protest actions. Using a two-by-two design defined by country of demonstration and the history of mobilisation (occasional vs. regular), our results show important differences in both factors. The study contributes to the literature, highlighting the importance of analysing the context where the demonstration takes place and which motives must be underlined in order to attract participants to protests.

In this work we look into the individuals' reasons that led Occupy protesters to participate in this movement. We interviewed Occupy participants in the UK and Spain. We wanted to find out if the reasons that lead them to participate are the same in both countries. The context of the country where the demonstration was held was taken into account, as well as the differences there may be in the reasons for participation if we consider whether they are occasional or regular participants in collective protest actions. Using a two-by-two design defined by country of demonstration and the history of mobilisation (occasional vs. regular), our results show important differences in both factors. The study contributes to the literature, highlighting the importance of analysing the context where the demonstration takes place and which motives must be underlined in order to attract participants to protests.

We conducted three independent studies to support the Spanish version of the Environmental Attitudes Inventory (EAI). The first study consisted of translating and pre-testing on a sample of 125 college students. The second consisted of testing the EAI on a sample of 225 university students in several undergraduate courses. Student data were collected using two different methods, through an online teaching platform and in the classroom. The findings were symmetrical in terms of precision and dimensionality. The third study completed the aforementioned ones testing the items on a representative sample from the general population in Spain. The participants were 630 citizens from 17 regions and responded to the EAI using an online platform. The results of the factor analysis led us to propose a measurement model, with 18 items and six first-order factors: environmental movement activism, conservation motivated by anthropocentric concern, confidence in science and technology, personal conservation behaviour, human dominance over nature, and support for population growth policies. External validity evidence was assessed by the correlation with the following variables: neuroticism, ecological behaviour, limits to economic growth, economic liberalism, sustainability, altruism, and social desirability. These estimations stayed away from demographic and personal aspects such as age, sex, political ideology, and region.

Having overcome the prejudice that equated emotion with irrationality, collective action theories are beginning to incorporate emotional variables. Nonetheless, these are restricted to negative ones, fundamentally anger. This is due to the fact that collective action is associated exclusively with protest, when this does not necessarily have to be the case. The aims of the present work are twofold: a) to analyse the structure of emotions with regard to the Spanish Government's decision to negotiate with ETA; and b) to verify the impact of these emotions and of ideology on the intention to participate in demonstrations supporting or protesting against said decision. The results show that emotions can be organised into three factors: anger, enthusiasm and anxiety. Anger and enthusiasm account for a high percentage of variance in the attention to demonstrate. Ideology, although to a lesser extent, also has a significant influence ; Después de superado el prejuicio que equiparaba emoción con irracionalidad, las teorías de la acción colectiva empiezan a incorporar las variables emocionales. Sin embargo, las emociones a las que aluden se limitan a las negativas y, fundamentalmente, a la ira. Esto obedece a que la acción colectiva se asocia exclusivamente con la protesta. Pero las acciones colectivas también pueden ser proactivas. Por este motivo, en esta investigación nos propusimos un doble objetivo: a) analizar la organización de diferentes emociones en relación a la decisión del Gobierno de España de negociar con ETA y b) conocer la incidencia de esas emociones y de la ideología, en la intención de participar en acciones de apoyo o protesta a dicha decisión. Los resultados muestran que las emociones se organizan en tres factores: ira, entusiasmo y ansiedad. La ira y el entusiasmo explican un porcentaje muy elevado de la varianza de la intención de movilizarse. La ideología, aunque en menor medida, también muestra un peso significativo

In this study, two questions are analyzed: (1) what theemotions provoked by the Spanish government's declarationof its intention to negotiate a peace process with the terroristgroup ETA are; (2) how these emotions relate to differentattitudes to this negotiation. A questionnaire was appliedto a sample of 263 university students. A confirmatoryfactor analysis was conducted to verify how emotions wereorganized and an ANOVA was subsequently conducted toanalyze the relationship between emotions and attitudesto negotiation. With respect to the first question, theemotions which are linked to the negotiation process areclassified in a three factor model (enthusiasm, anger andanxiety), and with respect to the second, it became clearthat the emotion of anger is associated with subjects whoare against negotiation. At the same time, enthusiasmand anxiety were associated with different attitudes tonegotiation, support and rejection respectively; however,both these emotions were also found to be present amongthose who wanted the different political parties to reachan agreement and face the process of negotiation with acommon policy.

This study tested the assumption that a sense of collective identity stimulates participation in collective action. Contextual circumstances supposedly make a collective identity more salient and compel people to act as members of the group; protest participation is more likely among people with a strong collective identity. Group identification and participation in identity organizations were used as indicators of collective identity in a study of 248 farmers from Galicia (Spain) and 167 farmers from the Netherlands. The farmers were interviewed three times at intervals of 1 year. The longitudinal design also allowed a test of causality. A sense of collective identity appeared to stimulate preparedness to take part in farmers' protest. Action preparedness leads to action participation, which in turn appears to foster collective identity.

Looks at protests against government regulations by farmers in Spain & the Netherlands targeting national or provincial governments forced to implement European Union (EU) regulations. Sidney Tarrow's enlargement (1998) of Wayne te Brake's concept of "composite polities" is used to examine the dynamics of protest in multilayered political structures. The EU's Common Agricultural Policy is described, & the perspectives of Spanish & Dutch farmers are explored in relation to how they frame their political environment, & why they protest against local political structures rather than the EU. Data were obtained from three rounds of interviews, 1993-1995, with 167 Dutch & 295 Galician farmers. The results of regression analyses show little knowledge about EU agricultural policy in either country, although Dutch farmers are better informed. Farmers assume the national government is responsible for the state of farming. Although they identify with other farmers in their region, a European collective identity is nonexistent. Action participation was strongly influenced by degree of knowledge about agricultural politics. The implications are discussed. 5 Tables, 2 Figures. J. Lindroth

Looks at protests against government regulations by farmers in Spain & the Netherlands targeting national or provincial governments forced to implement European Union (EU) regulations. Sidney Tarrow's enlargement (1998) of Wayne te Brake's concept of "composite polities" is used to examine the dynamics of protest in multilayered political structures. The EU's Common Agricultural Policy is described, & the perspectives of Spanish & Dutch farmers are explored in relation to how they frame their political environment, & why they protest against local political structures rather than the EU. Data were obtained from three rounds of interviews, 1993-1995, with 167 Dutch & 295 Galician farmers. The results of regression analyses show little knowledge about EU agricultural policy in either country, although Dutch farmers are better informed. Farmers assume the national government is responsible for the state of farming. Although they identify with other farmers in their region, a European collective identity is nonexistent. Action participation was strongly influenced by degree of knowledge about agricultural politics. The implications are discussed. 5 Tables, 2 Figures. J. Lindroth

The current research investigates whether moral obligation and different types of perceived risk (close vs. distant risk) of different collective actions that have different risk levels (high vs. moderate risk) are associated with collective action intention in the case of Turkey. Two studies were conducted: one with re-placed university students after the July 15, 2016 coup d'état attempt (high-risk context; N1 = 258) and one with climate strikes (moderate risk context; N2= 162). The findings showed that moral obligation predicts collective action in both studies, however, the strength of this relationship is contingent on the level of subjective likelihood of protest risk in the high-risk collective action (Study 1), but not in the moderate-risk collective action (Study 2). Study 2 extended the findings of Study 1 by showing that higher perceived climate crisis risks (e.g., extinction of many species, destroying the vast majority of vital resources; distant risk), but not risks of action (e.g., being arrested, blacklisted; close risk) predicts higher collective action intention. We discussed the role of moral obligation and different risk perceptions (e.g., distant, close, moderate, high) on climate movements and marginalized collective actions in risky political contexts. ; This research was supported by the European Association of Social Psychology's (EASP) Collaborative Research Grant Program. ; reviewed ; acceptedVersion