Suchergebnisse

Il Veneto è stato caratterizzato nel corso degli ultimi dieci anni da consistenti flussi migratori interni e internazionali. Si tratta di una forza lavoro che si è inserita in vari settori produttivi sovente in mansioni a bassa qualificazione e assunta con maggiore frequenza, rispetto ai locali, attraverso contratti non standard. Se i lavoratori meridionali sono talvolta solo temporaneamente residenti nell'area veneta, i lavoratori stranieri tendono a risiedere in modo semi-permanente. La distinzione principale tra questi due segmenti di forza lavoro è che gli immigrati interni giungono talvolta attraverso imprese di appalto o agenzie di lavoro collocate nell'Italia meridionale, mentre i lavoratori stranieri vengono più spesso assunti direttamente dalle imprese venete o tramite agenzie di lavoro comunque collocate nella regione. L'analisi si sofferma sull'inserimento differenziato di immigrati meridionali e stranieri nel sistema produttivo e sulla presenza diffusa di forza lavoro solo temporaneamente residente, con un interesse relativo rispetto al sistema occupazionale locale. L'articolo quindi analizza l'inserimento di lavoratori immigrati con particolare attenzione alle forme contrattuali, ai rapporti lavorativi instaurati e più in generale alle condizioni di lavoro.

AbstractThis article traces the trajectory of theory and praxis around nocività or noxiousness – i.e., health damage and environmental degradation – drawn by the workerist group rooted in the petrochemical complex of Porto Marghera, Venice. While Porto Maghera was an important setting for the early activism of influential theorists such as the post-workerist Antonio Negri and the autonomist feminist Mariarosa Dalla Costa, the theories produced by the workers themselves have been largely forgotten. Yet, this experience was remarkable because it involved workers employed by polluting industries denouncing in words and actions the environmental degradation caused by their companies from as early as 1968, when the workerists had a determining influence in the local factories. The Porto Marghera struggles against noxiousness contradict the widespread belief that what is today known as working-class environmentalism did not have much significance in the labour unrest of Italy's Long 1968. The Porto Marghera group's original contribution was based on the thesis of the inherent noxiousness of capitalist work and an antagonistic-transformative approach to capitalist technology. This led to the proposal of a counterpower able to determine "what, how, and how much to produce" on the basis of common needs encompassing the environment, pointing to the utopian prospect of struggling for a different, anti-capitalist technology, compatible with the sustainable reproduction of life on the planet.

AbstractIn this study, we analyse the reasons for the onward migration of Bangladeshis in Italy to the UK after they obtain Italian citizenship. The findings of 51 in‐depth interviews and participant observation with Bangladeshi migrants with Italian citizenship in three cities of north‐eastern Italy and two cities of the UK indicate that Italian Bangladeshis move to the UK, not only for economic reasons, but also, to better manage the cultural and social reproduction of their family, particularly the second generation. This is indicative of the centrality of colonial legacy from a cultural and economic point of view. Since the UK has the biggest Bangladeshi diaspora, there are more opportunities for reproducing Bengali traditions and religious upbringing for their children. Additionally, Italian Bangladeshis also mentioned that providing British education to the next generation can increase their social status in their home country.

AbstractThis article analyses previous multiple migratory trajectories of Bangladeshi first generation migrants before their arrival in Italy and within Italy. It also uncovers the role of social networks and transnational ties in their multiple migrations. The findings show that their first international migration was mainly shaped by their family's socio‐economic condition and transnational kinship networks. They already had someone from their family or close relatives in the preferred country with whom they were connected. Their onward relocations until arriving in Italy, in most cases, was to achieve the socio‐economic success and legal status that they had failed to attain in their first and subsequent destinations, but the transnational connections with friends or acquaintances are a key resource facilitating these remigrations. Bangladeshis who arrived in Italy from various countries mostly had networks, either with someone from their local district in Bangladesh or with their earlier fellow migrants who moved to Italy before them.

AbstractBased on long‐term fieldwork in multiple locations, our article questions the approach that posits a Chinese model of work and employment relations as increasingly exporting its form of labour management and dominating worldwide. It does so by focusing on Europe and discussing two labour regimes considered as typically Chinese: the Chinese fashion workshops in the Italian fashion industry, and the Foxconn electronics plants in the Czech Republic. Our findings bring new insights to bear on issues for which research is still thin on the ground and challenge the hypothesis of a 'Chinesisation' of work and employment practices in Chinese small firms and MNCs operating in Europe. We move the focus away from the simple analysis of firm management prevailing in the literature and suggest that, in order to understand the firm's behaviours, the role of the state, the unions, the migrant workers and the role of temporary work agencies should all be taken into consideration.

Based on an empirical research on Foxconn plants in the Czech Republic, the aim of this article is to analyze how global production networks enable a time and space compression of the production process. In this way Foxconn is able to respond to the just-in-time requests of the market, while at the same time keeping the conflicts with the plant at minimum. We suggest that such a working of the global production networks is contingent on the socio-institutional context and on the composition of the workforce. These two aspects are key for the fulfilment of Foxconn's production needs as they offer necessary conditions for the compression of space and time of the workforce. The time-space compression is upheld by the international recruitment agencies that select, recruit and transport workers from their countries of origin to the Czech plants and manage the workforce both inside and outside the factories. The article examines three key nodes of this space-time compression: the recruitment of the workforce, the organization of production, and the management of reproduction.

This article investigates the role of Temporary Work Agencies (TWAs) at Foxconn's assembly plants in the Czech Republic. Drawing on the ethnographic fieldwork, it shows TWAs' comprehensive management of migrant labour: recruitment and selection in the countries of origin, cross-border transportation, work and living arrangements in the country of destination, and return to the countries of origin during periods of low production. The article asks whether the distinctiveness of this specific mode of labour management can be understood adequately within the framework of existing theories on the temporary staffing industry. In approaching the staffing industry though the lens of migration labour analysis, the article reveals two key findings. Firstly, TWAs are creating new labour markets but do so by eroding workers rights and enabling new modalities of exploitation. Secondly, the diversification of TWAs' roles and operations transformed TWAs from intermediaries between capital and labour to enterprises in their own right.