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ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the relationship between economic inequality and the distribution of votes among political parties, namely political polarization and fracturalization. Economic inequality is captured by the Gini index, whereas new measures of political polarization and fracturalization are offered. This is the first paper to calculate political polarization and fracturalization indices by a methodology previously used for ethnic, religious and linguistic polarization and fracturalization. Empirical analysis uses data for 17 European countries and for three decades, 1980s, 1990s and 2000s. It is shown that increased income inequality increases political party polarization and reduces fracturalization and that political party polarization decreases with increased GDP per capita.

Corruption and tax evasion problems have been investigated separately before. Tax evasion is also considered to be a corrupt behavior itself. However, in this paper, corruption is taken to be a bribe taken by a government official and tax evasion is defined as an illegal act to avoid paying taxes by violating tax laws. An interesting research question would be to see whether corruption can induce tax evasion in individuals ? It is found in the paper that the size of bribe can negatively affect tax evasion. It is shown that when a bribe is sufficiently large, taxpayers prefer to pay their taxes voluntarily, not to evade taxes. ; Yolsuzluk ve vergi kaçakçılığı sorunları literatürde daha önce ayrı ayrı incelendi. Vergi kaçakçılığı da bir yolsuzluk olsa da, bu makalede yolsuzluk devlet memurunun rüşvet alması ve vergi kaçakçılığı da mükellefin yasalara aykırı davranarak ödemesi gereken vergiyi ödememesi olarak tanımlanmıştır. Bu makalede yolsuzluğun vergi kaçakçılığını özendirip özendirmeyeceği teorik olarak araştırılmaktadır. Teorik model, istenen rüşvetin yüksek olması durumunda vergi mükellefinin vergi kaçırmayacağını matematiksel olarak göstermektedir.

PurposePrevious studies have used language proficiency, citizenship, labour indicators, educational outcomes and political rights as measures of migrants' socio-cultural integration. However, little is known about the migrants' participation in volunteering activities, music concerts, theatrical plays and artistic activities, among others, and how this is compared to the participation of natives, defined as people of German descent and born in Germany. The study aims to investigate and compare the cultural and social involvement between migrants and natives.Design/methodology/approachThe analysis relies on information from the German Socio-Economic Panel Survey (GSOEP). Panel data models, in particular, the random-effects ordered Logit model, are utilised because the investigated outcomes are recorded in frequency and are ordered variables. The authors compare the participation in socio-cultural activities among immigrants of the first, second and 2.5 generations.FindingsThe findings indicate that first-generation immigrants are less likely to engage in various socio-cultural activities. However, the 2.5 generation immigrants are more active than the native population, as this generation of immigrants participates more frequently.Social implicationsThe findings highlight the importance of fostering interaction between natives and immigrants in the workplace and the social and cultural realms. Participation in social and cultural activities may increase intercultural awareness and contribute to the eradication of bias and prejudice.Originality/valueTo the best of the authors' knowledge, this is the first study to use a large panel dataset to compare the participation of natives and migrants in various social and cultural activities. In addition, this is the first study to analyse second and 2.5-generation immigrants.

The aim of this study is to explore the impact of integration policies, implemented in Spain and Sweden, on first-generation migrants' economic integration and socio-cultural participation. Different policies targeting migrants' economic and political integration, social inclusion, and cultural participation have been adopted by countries in Europe and across the globe for years. However, little is known about their impact on migrant's economic and socio-cultural integration. We explore the Strategic Plan on Citizenship and Integration (PECI) I in 2007 to 2010 and PECI II in 2011 to 2014 implemented in Spain. For Sweden, we examine the Integration Plans of 2008 and 2014. We apply a difference-in-differences (DiD) framework. The findings suggest that the integration policies in Spain had a positive effect in some domains of the socio-cultural and economic integration for EU migrants, while a negative impact is found for the non-EU immigrants. On the other hand, the results for the integration in Sweden show a weak effect. Integration policies should identify the barriers of migrants' social inclusion and recognize their needs for their successful economic and socio-cultural integration in the host societies. ; TUBITAKTurkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Arastirma Kurumu (TUBITAK) [119C017]; Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK)Turkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Arastirma Kurumu (TUBITAK) ; The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This paper has been produced benefiting from the Marie SklodowskaCurie Action 2236 Co-Funded Brain Circulation Scheme2 (CoCirculation2) of TUBITAK (Project No: 119C017), which has been funded under the FP7-PEOPLE-2011-COFUND call of the 7th Framework Programme. The authors are grateful for the financial support received. However, the entire responsibility of the paper belongs to the owners of the paper. The financial support received from the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK) does not mean that the context of the paper is approved in a scientific sense by TUBITAK.

The aim of this study is to explore the impact of integration policies, implemented in Spain and Sweden, on first-generation migrants' economic integration and socio-cultural participation. Different policies targeting migrants' economic and political integration, social inclusion, and cultural participation have been adopted by countries in Europe and across the globe for years. However, little is known about their impact on migrant's economic and socio-cultural integration. We explore the Strategic Plan on Citizenship and Integration (PECI) I in 2007 to 2010 and PECI II in 2011 to 2014 implemented in Spain. For Sweden, we examine the Integration Plans of 2008 and 2014. We apply a difference-in-differences (DiD) framework. The findings suggest that the integration policies in Spain had a positive effect in some domains of the socio-cultural and economic integration for EU migrants, while a negative impact is found for the non-EU immigrants. On the other hand, the results for the integration in Sweden show a weak effect. Integration policies should identify the barriers of migrants' social inclusion and recognize their needs for their successful economic and socio-cultural integration in the host societies.

Bu çalışmada, ekonomik ve politik faktörlerin devletin ekonomik boyutu üzerindeki etkisi ampirik olarak incelenmektedir. Politik faktörlerden politik kutuplaşma diğer kontrol değişkenlerle birlikte ana bağımsız değişkendir. İstatistiksel analiz olarak En Küçük Kareler ve İki Aşamalı En Küçük Kareler yöntemleri kullanılmıştır. Çalışma kapsamına 61 ülke dâhildir ve 1990 ile 2015 yılları arasındaki zaman aralığı kullanılmıştır. Regresyon analizi sonuçları, politik kutuplaşmanın fazla olduğu ülkelerde kamu tüketim harcamalarının milli gelir içindeki payının azaldığını göstermektedir. Ek olarak, etnik çeşitlilik, demokrasi ve siyasi ayrışma düzeylerinin artması kamu tüketim harcamalarının milli gelir içindeki payının artması şeklinde bir etki ortaya çıkarmaktadır. Çalışma bu bulguların bağlantılarını açıklamaktadır.