Suchergebnisse

""We're going to build a wall." Borders have been drawn since the beginning of time, but in recent years artificial barriers have become increasingly significant to the political conversation across the world. Donald Trump was elected President of the United States while promising to build a wall on the Mexico border, and in Europe, the international movements of migrants and refugees have sparked fierce discussion about whether and how countries should restrict access to their territory by erecting physical barriers. Virtual walls are also built and crushed at increasing speed. In the post-9/11 era there is a greater danger from so-called "transnational non-state actors", and computer hacking and cyberterrorism threaten to overwhelm our technological barriers. In this timely and original book, Said Saddiki scrutinises the physical and virtual walls located in four continents, including Israel, India, the southern EU border, Morocco, and the proposed border wall between Mexico and the US. Saddiki's detailed analysis explores the tensions between the rise of globalisation, which some have argued will lead to a "borderless world" and "the end of the nation-state", and the rapid development in recent decades of border control systems. Saddiki examines both regular and irregular cross-border activities, including the flow of people, goods, ideas, drugs, weapons, capital, and information, and explores the disparities that are reflected by barriers to such activities. He considers the consequences of the construction of physical and virtual walls, including their impact on international relations and the rise of the multi-billion dollar security market. World of Walls: The Structure, Roles and Effectiveness of Separation Barriers is important reading for all those interested in the topics of immigration, border security, international relations, and policy."--Publisher's website

"""We're going to build a wall." Borders have been drawn since the beginning of time, but in recent years artificial barriers have become increasingly significant to the political conversation across the world. Donald Trump was elected President of the United States while promising to build a wall on the Mexico border, and in Europe, the international movements of migrants and refugees have sparked fierce discussion about whether and how countries should restrict access to their territory by erecting physical barriers. Virtual walls are also built and crushed at increasing speed. In the post-9/11 era there is a greater danger from so-called ""transnational non-state actors", and computer hacking and cyberterrorism threaten to overwhelm our technological barriers.
In this timely and original book, Said Saddiki scrutinises the physical and virtual walls located in four continents, including Israel, India, the southern EU border, Morocco, and the proposed border wall between Mexico and the US. Saddiki's detailed analysis explores the tensions between the rise of globalisation, which some have argued will lead to a ""borderless world" and ""the end of the nation-state", and the rapid development in recent decades of border control systems.
Saddiki examines both regular and irregular cross-border activities, including the flow of people, goods, ideas, drugs, weapons, capital, and information, and explores the disparities that are reflected by barriers to such activities. He considers the consequences of the construction of physical and virtual walls, including their impact on international relations and the rise of the multi-billion dollar security market.
World of Walls: The Structure, Roles and Effectiveness of Separation Barriers is important reading for all those interested in the topics of immigration, border security, international relations, and policy."

The post-cold war period has witnessed a remarkable increase of the fortification and militarization of territorial borders as a direct result of new transnational challenges, including terrorism, irregular migration, drug trafficking and weapons smuggling. Today, there are about 65 border walls around the world; most of them were built in the last three years especially in the Arab World and Eastern Europe. Although the fortifications of the Arab States' borders differ in contexts and reasons, they are generally similar in structure and techniques used in their construction. The prevention of irregular immigration remains the major goal in the other regions of the world especially in North America and Eastern Europe; however, security goals, mainly the prevention of the infiltration of armed groups, are the main reasons of the fortification of Arab borders. In addition to the security goals, the current Arab border fortifications intend to prevent regular migration, goods smuggling, and drug trafficking. Furthermore, this policy strives, in some cases, to unilaterally impose the de facto border. The key question the paper addresses is: to what extent does this fortification of Arab borders reflect the nature of the existing regional subsystems? The paper takes into account that Arab regional subsystems are characterized by mutual mistrust and suspicion, which prevent Arab states to adopt common security border policies. In addition, the current border policies are inseparable from the way in which the postcolonial Arab states' borders were drawn. ; El periodo posguerra fría ha sido testigo de un aumento notable de la fortificación y militarización de las fronteras territoriales como resultado directo de los nuevos desafíos transnacionales, incluidos el terrorismo, la migración irregular, el tráfico de drogas y el contrabando de armas. Hoy en día, existe alrededor de 65 muros fronterizos en todo el mundo; la mayoría de ellos fueron construidos en los últimos tres años, especialmente en el mundo árabe y Europa del Este. Aunque las fortificaciones de las fronteras de los Estados árabes difieren en contextos y razones, en general son similares en estructura y técnicas utilizadas en su construcción. La prevención de la inmigración irregular sigue siendo el objetivo principal en las otras regiones del mundo, especialmente en América del Norte y Europa del Este; sin embargo, los objetivos de seguridad, principalmente la prevención de la infiltración de grupos armados, son las principales razones del fortalecimiento de las fronteras árabes. Además de los objetivos de seguridad, las fortificaciones actuales de las fronteras árabes pretenden evitar la migración regular, el contrabando de bienes y el tráfico de drogas. Además, esta política se esfuerza, en algunos casos, para imponer unilateralmente la frontera de facto. La principal cuestión que trata este artículo es: ¿en qué medida la fortificación de las fronteras árabes refleja la naturaleza de los subsistemas regionales existentes? El articulo toma en consideración que los subsistemas regionales árabes se caracterizan por la desconfianza y la desconfianza mutua, lo que impide que los Estados árabes adopten políticas comunes para la seguridad de las fronteras. Además, las políticas fronterizas actuales son inseparables de la forma en que se dibujaron las fronteras de los Estados árabes después de la etapa colonial. ; La période de l'après-guerre froide a connu une augmentation remarquable de la fortification et de la militarisation des frontières territoriales, conséquence directe des nouveaux défis transnationaux, notamment le terrorisme, la migration irrégulière, le trafic de drogue et la contrebande d'armes. Aujourd'hui, il existe environ 65 murs frontaliers dans le monde entier. La plupart d'entre eux ont été construits au cours des trois dernières années, en particulier dans le Monde Arabe et en Europe Orientale. Bien que les fortifications des frontières des États arabes soient différents ; dans leurs contextes et leurs raisons, leur structure et leurs techniques, elles demeurent néanmoins similaires. Si la prévention de l'immigration irrégulière reste l'objectif majeur dans les autres régions du monde, notamment en Amérique du Nord et en Europe de l'Est, dans le monde arabe les principales raisons du renforcement des frontières sont d'ordre sécuritaire, principalement la prévention de l'infiltration des groupes armés. Outre ces objectifs de sécurité, les fortifications actuelles de la frontière arabe ont pour objectif d'empêcher les migrations régulières, la contrebande de marchandises et le trafic de drogue. En outre, cette politique s'efforce, dans certains cas, d'imposer de facto la frontière. La question principale qu'aborde cet article est la suivante : dans quelle mesure la fortification des frontières arabes reflète-t-elle la nature des sous-systèmes régionaux existants ? Cette analyse prend en considération le fait que les sous-systèmes régionaux arabes se caractérisent par la méfiance réciproque qui empêche les États d'adopter des politiques communes en matière de sécurité frontalière.

ABSTRACT: The post-cold war period has witnessed a remarkable increase of the fortification and militarization of territorial borders as a direct result of new transnational challenges, including terrorism, irregular migration, drug traffi cking and weapons smuggling. Today, there are about 65 border walls around the world; most of them were built in the last three years especially in the Arab World and Eastern Europe. Although the fortifi cations of the Arab States' borders differ in contexts and reasons, they are generally similar in structure and techniques used in their construction. The prevention of irregular immigration remains the major goal in the other regions of the world especially in North America and Eastern Europe; however, security goals, mainly the prevention of theinfiltration of armed groups, are the main reasons of the fortifi cation of Arab borders. In addition to the security goals, the current Arab border fortifications intend to prevent regular migration, goods smuggling, and drug traffi cking. Furthermore, this policy strives, in some cases, to unilaterally impose the de facto border. The key question the paper addresses is: to what extent does this fortification of Arab borders reflect the nature of the existing regional subsystems? The paper takes into account that Arab regional subsystems are characterized by mutual mistrust and suspicion, which prevent Arab states to adopt common security border policies. In addition, the current border policies are inseparable from the way in which the postcolonial Arab states' borders were drawn. ; La fortificación de las fronteras de los Estados árabes en los contextos subregionales RESUMEN: El periodo de la posguerra fría ha sido testigo de un aumento notable de la fortificación y militarización de las fronteras territoriales como resultado directo de los nuevos desafíos transnacionales, incluidos el terrorismo, la migración irregular, el tráfico de drogas y el contrabando de armas. Hoy en día, existe alrededor de 65 muros fronterizos en todo el mundo; la mayoría de ellos fueron construidos en los últimos tres años, especialmente en el mundo árabe y Europa del Este. Aunque las fortificaciones de las fronteras de los Estados árabes difieren en contextos y razones, en general son similares en estructura y técnicas utilizadas en su construcción. La prevención de la inmigración irregular sigue siendo el objetivo principal en las otras regiones del mundo, especialmente en América del Norte y Europa del Este; sin embargo, los objetivos de seguridad, principalmente la prevención de la infiltración de grupos armados, son las principales razones del fortalecimiento de las fronteras árabes. Además de los objetivos de seguridad, las fortificaciones actuales de las fronteras árabes pretenden evitar la migración regular, el contrabando de bienes y el tráfico de drogas. Además, esta política se esfuerza, en algunos casos, para imponer unilateralmente la frontera de facto. La principal cuestión que trata este artículo es: ¿en qué medida la fortificación de las fronteras árabes refleja la naturaleza de los subsistemas regionales existentes? El articulo toma en consideración que los subsistemas regionales árabes se caracterizan por la desconfianza mutua, lo que impide que los Estados árabes adopten políticas comunes para la seguridad de las fronteras. Además, las políticas fronterizas actuales son inseparables de la forma en que se dibujaron las fronteras de los Estados árabes después de la etapa colonial. ; La fortifi cation des frontières des États Arabes dans les contextes sous-régionaux RÉSUME : La période de l'après-guerre froide a connu une augmentation remarquable de la fortification et de la militarisation des frontières territoriales, conséquence directe des nouveaux défis transnationaux, notamment le terrorisme, la migration irrégulière, le trafi c de drogue et la contrebande d'armes. Aujourd'hui, il existe environ 65 murs frontaliers dans le monde entier. La plupart d'entre eux ont été construits au cours des trois dernières années, en particulier dans le Monde Arabe et en Europe Orientale. Bien que les fortifi cations des frontières des États arabes soient différents ; dans leurs contextes et leurs raisons, leur structure et leurs techniques, elles demeurent néanmoins similaires. Si la prévention de l'immigration irrégulière reste l'objectif majeur dans les autres régions du monde, notamment en Amérique du Nord et en Europe de l'Est, dans le monde arabe les principales raisons du renforcement des frontières sont d'ordre sécuritaire, principalement la prévention de l'infi ltration des groupes armés. Outre ces objectifs de sécurité, les fortificationsactuelles de la frontière arabe ont pour objectif d'empêcher les migrations régulières, la contrebande de marchandises et le trafi c de drogue. En outre, cette politique s'efforce, dans certains cas, d'imposer de facto la frontière. La question principale qu'aborde cet article est la suivante : dans quelle mesure la fortifi cation des frontières arabes refl ète-t-elle la nature des sous-systèmes régionaux existants ? Cette analyse prend en considération le fait que les sous-systèmes régionaux arabes se caractérisent par la méfi ance réciproque qui empêche les États d'adopter des politiques communes en matière de sécurité frontalière.

Borders have been drawn since the beginning of time, but in recent years artificial barriers have become increasingly significant to the political conversation across the world. Donald Trump was elected President of the United States while promising to build a wall on the Mexico border, and in Europe, the international movements of migrants and refugees have sparked fierce discussion about whether and how countries should restrict access to their territory by erecting physical barriers. Virtual walls are also built and crushed at increasing speed. In the post-9/11 era there is a greater danger from so-called "transnational non-state actors", and computer hacking and cyberterrorism threaten to overwhelm our technological barriers.

L'étude des clôtures de Ceuta et de Melilla laisse percevoir comment une politique gouvernementale entend concilier les objectifs affichés et les visées occultes. En effet, bien que le gouvernement espagnol ait sans cesse déclaré que les barrières des deux enclaves visent simplement à limiter l'immigration irrégulière, un examen minutieux des différents aspects de cette question conclut à l'existence d'autres objectifs derrière la construction de ces barrières. La politique espagnole tendant à fermer les frontières des deux enclaves participe d'une démarche contradictoire dans la région. Certes, depuis deux décennies, la Méditerranée regorge d'une multitude de projets de coopération culturelle et économique, mais de nouveaux murs matériels et virtuels, destinés à réaliser « la forteresse Europe », s'y sont également édifiés. Cet article entreprend l'étude des aspects controversés des clôtures de Ceuta et de Melilla comme frontières externes de l'Union européenne (ue). Il souligne ensuite le rôle en mutation des clôtures des deux enclaves.

Fences of Ceuta and Melilla are an appropriate model to study to what extent governments could harmonize between stated purposes and hidden objectives. Although Spanish government has constantly stated that fences of the two enclaves aim only to stop irregular migration, comprehensive view of various aspects of the issue leads us to conclude the existence of other objectives behind this policy. Spain's policy of fencing the two enclaves' borders reflects a contradictory process in the region. While Mediterranean sphere has witnessed during the last two decades an increasing number of cultural and economic cooperation projects, new real and virtual walls have been built in the region to achieve "Fortress Europe". The paper tries, first, to show the controversial aspects of Ceuta and Melilla fences as the de facto EU southern border. Second, it aims to highlight the changing roles of the two enclaves' fences. Adapted from the source document.

Can International Relations (IR) as it is taught in the Arab world be said to be an "American social science"or is it taught differently in different places? The forum addresses this question through an exploration of what and how scholars at Arab universities are teaching IR and how institutional, historical, and linguistic, as well as political and individual factors shape classroom dynamics in the Arab world. This forum attempts to bring the classroom into the Global/Post-Western debate by showing how IR can be taught differently in different places with a focus on a region under-represented in IR debates: the Arab world. The essays, exhibiting diversity in pedagogical strategies and theoretical perspectives, provide a window into how the "international"is perceived and taught locally by teachers and students in various Arab contexts. While the influence from the American "core"of the discipline is obvious, the forum documents how the theoretical and conceptual foundations of IR based on Western perspectives and history do not travel intact. The essays collectively provide evidence of different kinds of IRs not just across but also within regions and show that studying pedagogy can become a way to study how disciplinary IR varies contextually.

AbstractCan International Relations (IR) as it is taught in the Arab world be said to be an "American social science" or is it taught differently in different places? The forum addresses this question through an exploration of what and how scholars at Arab universities are teaching IR and how institutional, historical, and linguistic, as well as political and individual factors shape classroom dynamics in the Arab world. This forum attempts to bring the classroom into the Global/Post-Western debate by showing how IR can be taught differently in different places with a focus on a region under-represented in IR debates: the Arab world. The essays, exhibiting diversity in pedagogical strategies and theoretical perspectives, provide a window into how the "international" is perceived and taught locally by teachers and students in various Arab contexts. While the influence from the American "core" of the discipline is obvious, the forum documents how the theoretical and conceptual foundations of IR based on Western perspectives and history do not travel intact. The essays collectively provide evidence of different kinds of IRs not just across but also within regions and show that studying pedagogy can become a way to study how disciplinary IR varies contextually.