Suchergebnisse

Résumé Parce que la Constitution de 1958 conçoit de manière originale les rapports du peuple et de ses élites et parce que ce modèle continue aujourd'hui encore d'inspirer ces dernières, la V e République ne sait pas bien respecter les frontières entre le public et le privé, la majorité et l'opposition, l'exécutif et le Parlement. Plus que les autres encore, elle aspire à recomposer et à unifier. Plus que les autres, elle a peur du conflit.

Because the 1958 Constitution has an original understanding of the relationships between the people and its ruling elites, and because the latter are still influenced by this understanding, the Fifth Republic does not know how to respect the borders between the public and the private spheres, the majority and the opposition, the Executive and Parliament. More than other Constitutions, it strives to bring together and to unify. More than others, it fears conflict. Adapted from the source document.

Arguments about the intellectual relationship between socialism and liberalism (understood in the European sense) are probably familiar to most left-wing Americans. To left-wing Europeans, and for the French in particular, it's a difficult matter. The idea that there is a positive relation between socialist and liberal concepts is scandalous in some quarters. Liberals are viewed by them as class enemies and false friends who threaten socialist integrity.

Résumé Contestant le principe de compétence politique qui est au fondement du modèle démocratique, les théories élitistes opposent le citoyen accompli doté de toutes les ressources nécessaires à la compréhension des questions politiques et l'individu sans qualité défini par son incapacité à traiter correctement les mêmes questions. À cette lecture ordonnée de l'espace politique on peut opposer l'idée d?une continuité entre pensée commune et pensée savante, et s?interroger en définitive sur la pertinence du concept même de compétence.

Examines the relationship between socialism & liberalism, focusing on French socialists' acceptance of tenets of economic liberalism under Francois Mitterand in the 1980s. This was possible given Jean Jaures's early 20th-century reconciliation between individuality & the social collectivity. In this light, the meeting of socialism & liberalism is discussed in terms of French socialism's "third way" as it manifested with regard to individual rights, public-private sphere separation, & the role of the market. It is argued that this was no socialist compromise, but rather an acceptance of liberal values, & it is noted that as socialists took steps toward liberalism during the 1980s, liberals also took steps toward socialism, accepting ideas of social democracy, resulting in an "original democratic equilibrium.". D. Edelman

Rejecting the principle of political competence, which is one of the foundations of the democratic model, elitist theories oppose the accomplished citizen, equipped with all the resources required for an understanding of political issues, to the individual without qualities characterized by his inability to deal correctly with these issues. To this orderly image of the political space, one can oppose the idea of a certain continuity between ordinary thought and expert thought, and even question the relevance of the very concept of competence. Adapted from the source document.