Suchergebnisse

A autora examina as mudanças recentes nos papéis de gênero ocorridas na América Latina e no Caribe, relacionando-as com a crise econômica dos anos 80, que atingiu severamente a região. Três aspectos principais são enfocados: (i) a crescente participação feminina na força de trabalho; (ii) o impacto deste fenômeno sobre a estrutura familiar (crescimento do número de domicílios chefiados por mulheres e do peso da contribuição destas para a economia doméstica); (iii) a crescente participação feminina nos movimentos sociais.The paper investigates recent changes in gender roles in Latin America and the Caribbean in relation to the economic crisis of the Eighties which has badly affected this region. It focuses in particular on three aspects: 1. the increasing participation of women in the labour force; 2. the consequences of such increase for the family structure (increase of female-headed households and growing importance of women's contribution to the household budget); 3. a growing participation of women in social movements. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH:http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

This article questions the benefits of globalization for low-income women through an analysis of 1997 data on women export-processing workers in the Dominican Republic. Export processing has contributed to an increase in women's labor-force participation and their greater economic autonomy. But the percentage of men employed in export processing has also increased and efforts to improve working conditions through collective bargaining or other means are still weak. The increasing percentage of female heads of household, who rely heavily on extended kin for financial and emotional support, provides additional evidence of the erosion of the male-breadwinner model.

It has been over a hundred years since the U.S. took control of Puerto Rico. In that time, the way in which the U.S. perceived Puerto Rico has changed from a colony requiring Americanisation to, in the 1950s, its showcase of democracy in the Caribbean, to today, an island that still retains geopolitical importance for the U.S., but represents an increasing economic burden. The failure of Operation Bootstrap, as the Puerto Rican industrialization program was known, resulted in permanent large-scale unemployment, with a population dependent on federal transfers for a living, and a constant source of migration to the mainland, where over half of Puerto Ricans now live. I shall trace the outline of these three stages in U.S. hegemony over Puerto Rico, and argue that throughout the U.S. Congress was reluctant to fully incorporate Puerto Rico, because its population was deemed racially and socially inferior to that of the mainland. Though the removal of Spain from Puerto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines was considered part of the its 'manifest destiny', the United States never intended to incorporate these people so different from the U.S. as part of the American nation, as was done with its earlier acquisitions in Texas, Alaska or even Hawaii.

Introduces a special journal issue on racial constructions in Brazil, Colombia, the Hispanic Caribbean, Puerto Rico, & the Dominican Republic, where an ideology of mestizaje (race mixing) more or less assumed dominance. This ideology privileged a homogeneous national identity that, while racially mixed, was organized according to white cultural patterns. This ideological strategy had the effect of suppressing the heterogeneity of these cultures, not as in the US case by excluding them, but by assimilating them under white cultural control. White superiority in the official discourse of mestizaje has been challenged for a long time by black counterhegemonic movements throughout Latin America & the Caribbean. In recent years, these efforts have eroded bipolar racial constructions in favor of multiracial categories, & a heightened sense of ethnic identity. This movement is similar to recent developments in the US, suggesting that the models of assimilation & exclusion are converging. 43 References. D. Ryfe