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In this article, I use the French Trajectories and Origins survey to describe patterns and trends of cross-border ties across immigrant generations. Transnational activities are measured through a wide range of cross-border ties, grouped into three dimensions: sociopolitical, economic, and a third dimension that I call re-migration. Three sets of determinants are taken into account: variables measuring exposure to the country of origin, variables describing incorporation in the host country, and variables that are specific to each generation. Conversely to the straight-line assimilation paradigm, the findings put the analytical power of the generational variable into perspective by (1) highlighting the wide variability of transnationalism within each generation and (2) measuring distinct intergenerational trends along different types of cross-border engagement. A thorough investigation of the sources of within-generation heterogeneity emphasizes the explanatory power of state-level, religious, and ethnoracial variables.

The author analyzes the implementation of diversity policies in France within a traditionally colorblind institutional and cultural context. Using a mixed-method research design, the author focuses on a specific diversity program, gathering qualitative and quantitative data on persons involved in its implementation as well as on its recipients. The author also collects qualitative materials covering institutional actors (governmental services and state agencies) and field actors (associations and economic organizations). The analyses aim to investigate two main questions: (1) What are the population categories targeted by diversity programs, and how are they referred to in the colorblind political and legal context of France? (2) How do the program's recipients signal categories that make them eligible, and how do they interpret their disadvantage in the job market? The findings highlight the limits of diversity policies in the French colorblind context as they fail to empower both their makers and their recipients.

The author analyzes the implementation of diversity policies in France within a traditionally colorblind institutional and cultural context. Using a mixed-method research design, the author focuses on a specific diversity program, gathering qualitative and quantitative data on persons involved in its implementation as well as on its recipients. The author also collects qualitative materials covering institutional actors (governmental services and state agencies) and field actors (associations and economic organizations). The analyses aim to investigate two main questions: (1) What are the population categories targeted by diversity programs, and how are they referred to in the colorblind political and legal context of France? (2) How do the program's recipients signal categories that make them eligible, and how do they interpret their disadvantage in the job market? The findings highlight the limits of diversity policies in the French colorblind context as they fail to empower both their makers and their recipients.

In France, immigrants are more likely to be unemployed or in low-skilled work than their native-born peers. Immigrants face a number of challenges to entering and advancing in the French labor market, including discrimination, foreign qualification recognition, and limited professional networks. Moreover, the French labor market is structurally unfavorable to new entries, whether migrants or native-born youth, and foreign nationals from outside the European Union (EU) are barred from many public- and private-sector jobs.Despite these obstacles, the government has not made a policy priority of getting newcomers into jobs. Integration policy in France has traditionally come in the form of urban policy, targeting disadvantaged neighborhoods that often happen to have a large number of immigrants and their children rather than immigrants themselves. While there have been significant reforms to integration policy since 2000, the focus of these reforms has been cultural, not socioeconomic, integration. Many features of France's robust workforce development system are available to immigrants upon arrival, including use of the public employment service that provides job search assistance and career counseling, but immigrants are excluded from the more prestigious elements like vocational training.This report examines how well mainstream employment policies, in combination with recent integration policy reforms—particularly the introduction of a new category, "newly arrived migrants"—are supporting migrants' integration into the labor market and advancement into middle-skilled jobs. The report provides an overview of immigrants' progress in the French labor market and analyzes recent French immigration policy and the relevant aspects of employment policy, language and vocational training, and antidiscrimination programs. Finally, the report proposes some policy recommendations.

Les politiques d'immigration et d'intégration ont fait l'objet de débats enflammés. Mirna Safi revient sur leurs évolutions depuis deux décennies, marquées par leur caractère sécuritaire, normatif et éloigné des connaissances. Elle suggère des pistes pour sortir de l'impasse où ces politiques se trouvent aujourd'hui.

Les politiques d'immigration et d'intégration ont fait l'objet de débats enflammés. Mirna Safi revient sur leurs évolutions depuis deux décennies, marquées par leur caractère sécuritaire, normatif et éloigné des connaissances. Elle suggère des pistes pour sortir de l'impasse où ces politiques se trouvent aujourd'hui.

In France, immigrants are more likely to be unemployed or in low-skilled work than their native-born peers. Immigrants face a number of challenges to entering and advancing in the French labor market, including discrimination, foreign qualification recognition, and limited professional networks. Moreover, the French labor market is structurally unfavorable to new entries, whether migrants or native-born youth, and foreign nationals from outside the European Union (EU) are barred from many public- and private-sector jobs.Despite these obstacles, the government has not made a policy priority of getting newcomers into jobs. Integration policy in France has traditionally come in the form of urban policy, targeting disadvantaged neighborhoods that often happen to have a large number of immigrants and their children rather than immigrants themselves. While there have been significant reforms to integration policy since 2000, the focus of these reforms has been cultural, not socioeconomic, integration. Many features of France's robust workforce development system are available to immigrants upon arrival, including use of the public employment service that provides job search assistance and career counseling, but immigrants are excluded from the more prestigious elements like vocational training.This report examines how well mainstream employment policies, in combination with recent integration policy reforms—particularly the introduction of a new category, "newly arrived migrants"—are supporting migrants' integration into the labor market and advancement into middle-skilled jobs. The report provides an overview of immigrants' progress in the French labor market and analyzes recent French immigration policy and the relevant aspects of employment policy, language and vocational training, and antidiscrimination programs. Finally, the report proposes some policy recommendations.

Cet article propose un état des lieux empirique de la question de la ségrégation des populations immigrées en France. Il fournit des informations quantifiées, jusqu'ici très rares dans la recherche française, sur le niveau et l'évolution de la ségrégation de ces populations en utilisant les données issues de cinq recensements successifs et en diversifiant les outils de mesure. Un passage en revue théorique explicite les liens entre l'intégration des immigrés et leur distribution dans l'espace. Alors que la théorie de l'assimilation spatiale prédit une sorte de disparition naturelle de la ségrégation, les évolutions régulièrement décroissantes ne sont observées dans ce travail que pour les immigrés venus d'Espagne et d'Italie. Les immigrés venus d'Afrique ou de Turquie se caractérisent non seulement par des niveaux de ségrégation bien plus forts mais également par des évolutions plus contrastées, difficilement interprétables en termes d'assimilation spatiale. La multiplication des outils de mesure ainsi que des zones géographiques analysées met en évidence la complexité de l'analyse quantitative de la ségrégation spatiale et la diversité des facettes de ce phénomène.

Résumé Cet article fournit une analyse des comportements matrimoniaux des immigrés en utilisant des données issues de l'Échantillon démographique permanent de l'Insee qui s'étendent sur une longue période (1968-2000). Il examine les facteurs explicatifs de l'exogamie en intégrant dans l'analyse des variables individuelles et contextuelles. La comparaison entre la situation des différents groupes immigrés sur le marché du travail et leur propension plus ou moins forte à l'exogamie permet de tester certains développements théoriques qui accordent une place centrale à l'inter-mariage dans le processus d'intégration. Les résultats obtenus incitent à relativiser la pertinence de ces hypothèses en mettant l'accent sur la complexité de l'analyse de l'exogamie et la diversité des modes d'intégration.

Dix ans après la revue Population, la Revue Française de Sociologie vient de publier un dossier-débat sur l'usage des catégories ethniques en sociologie. Les contributions permettent de mesurer la légitimité sociale et politique croissante de ces instruments.

This article focuses on the integration of immigrants in France as a demographic, economic, social and political process. It uses data from the 1992 INSEE-INED "Mobilité Géographique et Insertion Sociale" survey (MGIS). Taking off from literature emphasizing the multidimensional, segmented character of the process, an empirical typology is developed with which to test the relevance of various models. The classic assimilation hypothesis, which assumes the existence of a uniform convergence process, is shown to be validated only in the case of immigrants from Spain. Other, more complex, segmented models seem to characterize the various communities represented in the survey.