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Secrets and Leaks examines the complex relationships among executive power, national security, and secrecy. State secrecy is vital for national security, but it can also be used to conceal wrongdoing. How then can we ensure that this power is used responsibly? Typically, the onus is put on lawmakers and judges, who are expected to oversee the executive. Yet because these actors lack access to the relevant information and the ability to determine the harm likely to be caused by its disclosure, they often defer to the executive's claims about the need for secrecy. As a result, potential abuses are more often exposed by unauthorized disclosures published in the press. But should such disclosures, which violate the law, be condoned? Drawing on several cases, Rahul Sagar argues that though whistleblowing can be morally justified, the fear of retaliation usually prompts officials to act anonymously--that is, to "leak" information. As a result, it becomes difficult for the public to discern when an unauthorized disclosure is intended to further partisan interests. Because such disclosures are the only credible means of checking the executive, Sagar writes, they must be tolerated, and, at times, even celebrated. However, the public should treat such disclosures skeptically and subject irresponsible journalism to concerted criticism.

An innovative argument that vindicates our normative commitment to basic equality, synthesising philosophy, history, and psychologyWhat makes human beings one another's equals? That we are ";basic equals"; has become a bedrock assumption in Western moral and political philosophy. And yet establishing why we ought to believe this claim has proved fiendishly difficult, floundering in the face of the many inequalities that characterise the human condition. In this provocative work, Paul Sagar offers a novel approach to explaining and justifying basic equality. Rather than attempting to find an independent foundation for basic equality, he argues, we should instead come to see our commitment to this idea as the result of the practice of treating others as equals. Moreover, he continues, it is not enough to grapple with the problem through philosophy alone—by just thinking very hard, in our armchairs; we must draw insights from history and psychology as well.Sagar writes that, as things stand, there appear to be no good arguments for believing in the truth of basic equality. Indeed, for much of Western intellectual history and social practice, basic inequality has been the default position. How is it then, Sagar asks, that in Western societies, in a period of less than a century, basic equality emerged as the dominant view? Sagar approaches this not as a mere philosophical puzzle, but as a dramatic historical development. In so doing, he shows us what is at stake when human beings treat one another as equals just because they are human beings

"Although thinkers of the past might have started from presumptions of fundamental difference and inequality between (say) the genders, or people of different races, this is no longer the case. At least in mainstream political philosophy, we are all now presumed to be, in some fundamental sense, basic equals. Of course, what follows from this putative fact of basic equality remains enormously controversial: liberals, libertarians, conservatives, Marxists, republicans, and so on, continue to disagree vigorously with each other, despite all presupposing some kind of basic equality. They may argue about who gets what, how much, and why, but the starting point - that all people are in some sense deserving of prima facie equal consideration - has become an axiom of our moral and political thinking. But why? Why are we basic equals? The trouble is that as soon as one asks for an explanation of this foundational premise, it begins to look shaky. After all, on any conceivable metric human beings are notably unequal, and often to striking degrees. Philosophers in this area tend to talk of equal worth, but often without trying to specify what exactly that means. Philosophically, basic equality is neither acceptable nor rejectable. It is not rejectable because we appear to be, as a matter of fact, profoundly committed to the truth of the claim that we are all one another's basic equals. But to the extent that there appear to be no philosophical arguments for believing in the truth of basic equality, it is not acceptable either. The aim of this book is to try and show why basic equality is acceptable. To do so, however, it will also contend that we need to approach the question rather differently to how it has mostly been handled so far. What's required is an exercise in what Bernard Williams called 'impure philosophy': it must include insights from other areas of human intellectual endeavour, whether psychology and history or even what we learn from how we go about practicing basic equality in our collective lives"--

To Raise a Fallen People brings to light pioneering writing on international politics from nineteenth-century India. Drawing on extensive archival research, it unearths essays, speeches, and pamphlets that address fundamental questions about India's place in the world. In these texts, prominent public figures urge their compatriots to learn English and travel abroad to study, debate whether to boycott foreign goods, differ over British imperialism in Afghanistan and China, demand that foreign policy toward the Middle East and South Africa account for religious and ethnic bonds, and query whether to adopt Western values or champion their own civilizational ethos.Rahul Sagar's detailed introduction contextualizes these documents and shows how they fostered competing visions of the role that India ought to play on the world stage. This landmark book is essential reading for anyone interested in understanding the sources of Indian conduct in international politics

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations to Adam Smith's Works -- Introduction -- 1 Commercial Society, History, and the Four Stages Theory -- 2 Domination, Liberty, and the Rule of Law -- 3 Smith and Rousseau, after Hume and Mandeville -- 4 Whose Corruption, Which Polity? -- 5 The Conspiracy of the Merchants -- Conclusion -- Index

This landmark edition contains both the newly rediscovered, original lecture manuscripts; and an authoritative introduction, outlining Rao's remarkable career, his complicated relationship with Sayaji Rao III, and the reasons why his lectures have been neglected - until now.

La 4e de couv. indique : "L'enjeu que représente un auteur comme Machiavel, de nos jours, est encore à lire dans la communication politique qui constitue ici notre problématique. Ainsi, nous avons tenu à montrer, dans cet ouvrage, comment la communication politique a subi l'influence de préceptes présents dans Le Prince et ceci, même si beaucoup d'acteurs politiques n'ont pas forcément lu l'auteur florentin. Toujours est-il que l'étrange familiarité qui lie Machiavel au mal, dans sa pensée politique, semble relever d'une nécessité qui souvent commande les rapports gouvernants- gouvernés, et qui s'inscrit dans une logique de réponses, face aux défis nés de ce que le penseur florentin considérait comme " la qualité des temps ". Ce présent ouvrage se propose ainsi de montrer l'influence du réalisme de l'auteur du Prince dans la communication politique. En effet, la politique de l'apparence, savamment cultivée par l'usage de la ruse, est toujours aussi forte et semble même être l'expression de tout pouvoir. À cet effet, la référence à quelques personnalités de l'histoire politique a été le point de départ de nombreuses analyses développées dans ce livre, en vue de montrer le lien entre certaines pensées contenues dans Le Prince et des attitudes notées à travers le comportement d'hommes politiques des siècles passés et de notre époque ; ce qui, peut-être, justifie l'idée selon laquelle Machiavel serait l'inventeur de la science politique moderne, comme l'a soutenu du reste Maurizio Viroli. Aussi, le lien souvent opéré entre Machiavel et les politiques modernes se lit surtout à travers l'évocation d'une expression propre au pouvoir, et que dissimule le politique grâce au concours des médias, ce qui décrit un nouveau type de rapport entre celui-ci et la presse (laquelle porte les intentions du peuple)."

Introduction: the deep seated values of love, and tourism -- The study of tourism and love: knowledge, forms, types, and heritage -- The theory of needs, love and tourism -- Spirituality and tourism: the core of love, affect and travel -- Love expression and special interest tourism -- Love of nature and tourism: the dialectics of ecology -- Love, social structure, recreational mobility, and tourism -- Love, heritage and tourism -- Love and economic processes in tourism -- Conclusion.