Suchergebnisse

Introduction : racial-spatial formation -- The Los Angeles Convention Center : 1950s-1990s -- The Staples Center, L.A. Live : 1990s-2010s -- Growth interests and the Growth with Equity Coalition : 1990s -- Negotiating the L.A. Live Community Benefits Agreement : 1990s-2000s -- Evaluating the L.A. Live Community Benefits Agreement : 2000s -- The NFL stadium proposal and neighborhood change : 1990- -- Conclusion : implications for social justice.

From the 1970s on, Los Angeles was transformed into a center for entertainment, consumption, and commerce for the affluent. Mirroring the urban development trend across the nation, new construction led to the displacement of low-income and working-class racial minorities, as city officials targeted these neighborhoods for demolition in order to spur economic growth and bring in affluent residents. Responding to the displacement, there emerged a coalition of unions, community organizers, and faith-based groups advocating for policy change. In Building Downtown Los Angeles Leland Saito traces these two parallel trends through specific construction projects and the backlash they provoked. He uses these events to theorize the past and present processes of racial formation and the racialization of place, drawing new insights on the relationships between race, place, and policy. Saito brings to bear the importance of historical events on contemporary processes of gentrification and integrates the fluidity of racial categories into his analysis. He explores these forces in action, as buyers and entrepreneurs meet in the real estate marketplace, carrying with them a fraught history of exclusion and vast disparities in wealth among racial groups

Large urban development projects highlight the vast disparities in the economic and political resources controlled by developers as compared to low–income residents. Studies have documented the negative impact of such projects on neighborhoods, such as the displacement of residents. This case study of the largest development project in contemporary downtown Los Angeles analyzes how a community coalition that included low–income residents successfully negotiated with the developer the first comprehensive Community Benefits Agreement (CBA) in the nation. This 2001 CBA addressed the interests of low–income residents and now serves as a model for major CBAs across the country. This article draws upon regime theory and urban political economy in examining the resources, organizations, and coalition composition behind the CBA. It suggests that CBAs represent a significant increase in political power for low–income residents when they ally with service sector unions concerned about permanent, living wage jobs. Low–income residents drew upon neighborhood and immigrant networks to organize even non–citizens. The L.A. coalition could also take advantage of the political opportunity provided by the fragmentation of growth interests and the strong real estate market in the city.

Using the example of three buildings in San Diego, the author examines the negotiations between city officials and local residents over competing images of race and history. He shows how the outcomes of these negotiations are used to support and legitimate economic development and historic preservation policies. His main point is that although policies are depicted as race neutral, the results are often racialized. This happens because of the tendency of routine, institutional processes to recognize the history of White communities rather than those of racial minorities, contributing to whiteness. As part of the process of racial formation, activists counter labels of minority neighborhoods as "blighted" and "slums" with the view that they are attractive centers of business, culture, and tourism.

Developing alliances with other groups is critical in Asian American politics, as evidenced in the case of the 1990/91 redistricting of New York City's Chinatown, supported by official reports & interviews with community activists. In order to meet district population requirements, community activists developed two competing proposals -- joining with middle-class whites to the west & south or with working-class Latinos & African Americans to the east & north. The redistricting committee ultimately agreed that joining the Chinatown community with whites could result in support of Asian American political candidates & give this group representation in the City Council, but the new district elected a white official. This case illustrates the complexity of local politics, its linkage to larger political & economic processes, & the heterogeneity of Asian American communities. M. Pflum

This article explains the construction of panethnicity through the detailed examples of Asian Pacific American ethnic groups & the similar hardships they have endured, thus, bringing them together in their common struggle for social & political equality. It concentrates on two specific groups: the South Asians (citing the New York City Cab Strike of 1998 as an example of grassroots efforts) & the Filipino Americans & their opposition to the Marcos regime. In addition, it provides an overview of the efforts, past & present, to preserve ethnic enclaves (eg, Boston's Chinatown). It is concluded that an ever-expanding & diverse Asian Pacific American population has & will continue to join together to achieve their goals & protect their interests. 51 References. M. D. Cowder

Aoki, A. L.; Nakanishi, D. T.: Asian Pacific Americans and the new minority politics. - S. 605-610. Lai, J. S.; Tam Cho, W. K.; Kim, T. P.; Takeda, O.: Asian-Pacific-American campaigns, elections, and elected officials. - S. 611-618. Geron, K.; Cruz, E. de la; Saito, L. T.; Singh, J.: Asian Pacific American's social movements and interest groups, S. 619-624. Pei-te Lien; Collet, C.; Wong, J.; Ramakrishnan, S. K.: Asian Pacific-American public opinion and political participation. - S. 625-630. Kim, C. J.; Lee, T.: Interracial politics: Asian American and other communities of color, S. 631-637. Watanabe, P. Y.: Global forces, foreign policy, and Asian Pacific Americans, S. 639-644

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Latino and Asian Racial Formations at the Frontiers of U.S. Nationalism -- Part One: Racial Science, Social Control -- 1. COLONIAL VISION, RACIAL VISIBILITY 1 Racializations in Puerto Rico and the Philippines during the Initial Period of U.S. Colonization -- 2. INVERTING RACIAL LOGIC How Public Health Discourse and Standards Racialized the Meanings of Japanese and Mexican in Los Angeles, 1910-1924 -- 3. GETTING THE MEASURE OF TOMORROW Chinese and Chicano Americas under the Racial Gaze, 1934-1935 and 1942-1944 -- Part Two: Contradictions of Coalition -- 4. THE LIMITS OF INTERRACIAL COALITIONS Méndez v. Westminster Reexamined -- 5. THE POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF RACE Asian American and Latino Redistricting Debates in California and New York -- Part Three: Perils of Inclusion -- 6. JOINING THE STATE Sexuality and Citizenship in Junot Díaz and Chang-rae Lee -- 7. THE PASSION The Betrayals of Elián González and Wen Ho Lee -- Bibliography -- Contributors -- Index