Economia e stato costituzionale: contributo allo studio della "costituzione economica" in Germania
In: Quaderni di NOMOS 13
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In: Quaderni di NOMOS 13
In: Zeitschrift für öffentliches Recht: ZÖR = Austrian journal of public law, Band 76, Heft 2, S. 353
ISSN: 1613-7663
In: Il politico: rivista italiana di scienze politiche ; rivista quardrimestrale, Band 251, Heft 2, S. 138-157
ISSN: 2239-611X
L'articolo esamina il Trattato di Maastricht in una prospettiva storica e comparativa, concentrandosi sulle sue implicazioni economiche e costituzionali. Il Trattato di Maastricht viene quindi contestualizzato in un processo storico, evidenziando i tentativi dello Stato costituzionale europeo di affrontare la crisi del cosiddetto "liberalismo incorporato" dopo la caduta di Bretton Woods. Questo processo ha avuto significativi contraccolpi economici e politici in tutto il mondo. In Europa, gli anni Settanta sono stati caratterizzati da un'elevata instabilità economica, soprattutto in considerazione del sistema monetario e del crescente debito pubblico. Da allora è nata l'esigenza di una nuova forma di radicamento democratico del capitalismo, con l'obiettivo di creare un nuovo equilibrio tra capitalismo e democrazia. Sebbene pieno di contraddizioni, il Trattato di Maastricht rappresentava un tentativo di far fronte a questo mutevole ordine mondiale economico e politico. In quel periodo il sistema politico italiano si trovava a fronteggiare un'insopportabile instabilità economica e il Trattato di Maastricht rappresentava un'opportunità per favorire una riforma del sistema politico ed economico "dall'esterno" attraverso un "vincolo esterno", come lo definì Guido Carli. Non era la prima volta nella storia italiana. Un nuovo processo è iniziato e, pieno di contraddizioni e inadeguatezze, è ancora in corso.
Abstract: A Critique of the "Economic Constitution" Looking at the Transformations of Representative Democracy – The concept of "Economic Constitution" (Wirtschaftsverfassung) is highly controversial and closely related to different constitutional mindsets of representative democracy. Even though its roots can be traced back to the Weimar context, its use can hardly be considered politically neutral still today. Therefore, it must be analysed in a historical and comparative perspective. The aim is to highlight its different constitutional meanings, in particular in the Italian and German debates, to examine how they reflect on the functioning of representative democracy. More specifically, this paper deals with the debates on the concept of Wirtschaftsverfassung, which took place during the Twenties and the Thirties and after the Second World War. During the Seventies, some scholars, moving from a strong critique of representative democracy, tried to impose binding fiscal rules to limit public borrowing. This gave rise to the fundamental concept of "Fiscal Constitution". Considering the European integration process, this essay concludes with a proposal to use this concept to protect representative democracy.
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The essay deals with the doctrine of constitutionalism in a historical perspective. Examining the features of this doctrine and how it influenced the state's evolutionary process in Europe, the "two times" of constitutionalism in the Twentieth century are deeply analysed. More specifically, the aim is to explore how the functions performed by the constitutions have changed. In the constitutional state, constitutions organize state-society relations and they have to govern and enforce the openness of the state towards the supranational dimension. In conclusion, three case studies are briefly discussed, to evaluate whether and how the European supranational dimension may help in protecting the essential core of the constitutional state, in particular strengthening fundamental rights and representative democracy.
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The article examines the Maastricht Treaty in a historical and comparative perspective, focusing on its economic and constitutional implications. The Maastricht Treaty is therefore contextualised in a historical process, highlighting the attempts of the European constitutional state to deal with the crisis of the so-called "embedded liberalism" after the fall of Bretton Woods. This process had significant economic and political backlashes worldwide. In Europe, the Seventies were characterized by high economic instability, especially considering the currency system and the growing public debt. Since then, the need for a new form of capitalism's democratic embeddedness arose with the aim to shape a new balance between capitalism and democracy. Though full of contradictions, the Maastricht Treaty represented an attempt to cope with this changing economic and political world order. At that time, the Italian political system was facing an in the long run unbearable economic instability and the Maastricht Treaty represented an opportunity to foster a reform of the political and economic system "from outside" through an "external constraint", as Guido Carli defined it. It was not the first time in the Italian history. A new process began and, full of contradictions and inadequacies, is still ongoing
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Nel contesto attuale, in un quadro in cui sempre più raffinato appare lo studio di quelle che potrebbero definirsi le ripercussioni normative della crisi economica che ha investito l'Europa, notevole attenzione viene prestata allo studio della matrice ideologica che caratterizzerebbe le politiche poste in essere a livello sovranazionale. Il lavoro offre una recensione critica del volume indicato nel titolo.
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Beyond Ordoliberalism. On the «Right Measure» of Correlation between Politics and the Economy in the Open Constitutional State. The contribution explores, in a historical perspective, the need of the constitutional state to govern the relationship between politics and the economy, finding continuously a «right measure» of correlation. Nowadays, in fact, constitutions not only organize state-society relations, but also open statehood to the supranational dimension. This seems necessary to cope in new forms with the tension between constitutionalism and democracy and that between democracy and capitalism. Against this backdrop, the article examines the ordoliberal legacy and its relevance in the European integration process. In conclusion, the necessity to avoid that a "partial constitution" prevails in Europe is analysed, with the aim to defend and enhance the correct functioning of representative democracy both at national and supranational levels.
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The article, using a historical perspective, analyses the role and the functions of European political parties. Focusing on the different nature of national political parties and European political parties, the article describes the attempts to regulate political parties at the European level as a tool to enhance European democracy and to shape a European public sphere. In this perspective, the emerging role of political parties at the European level is analysed from the first election of the European Parliament, through the Tsatsos's Report. Subsequently, the Treaty of Nice and Regulation 2004/2003 are considered. Furthermore, the article focuses on the new regulation concerning political parties at the European level by taking into consideration Regulation n. 1141/2014. Moreover, the new Authority for European political parties and European political foundations and its powers are examined. Some final remarks concern the "lead candidates" innovation and the European electoral law.
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In: Pubblicazioni del Dipartimento di scienze giuridiche, Università degli studi di Roma "La Sapienza" 173