Suchergebnisse

1. Community consensus : an overview of Muslims in Bihar politics until 1940 -- 2. The polarizing texture of Bihar politics : a survey till 1940 -- 3. From alienation to exodus, 1940-47 -- 4. Muslim resistance to the two-nation theory in Bihar, 1940-47 -- 5. Language politics as a tool of empowerment : political landscape of Urdu in Bihar after independence, 1947-89 -- 6. Quest for social and gender justice : Bihar Muslims since the 1990s.

This book studies the engagement of various Muslim communities with Bihar politics from colonial times to present-day India. It debunks several myths in highlighting Muslim resistance to the Two-Nation theory, and counters the 'Isolation Syndrome' faced by Muslim communities after Independence. Using rare archival sources and hitherto unexamined Urdu texts, this book offers a nuanced exploration of complex themes such as the struggle against Bengali hegemony, communalism, regionalism and alienation before Independence, recent language politics, the political assertion of low-caste Muslims in c.

It is not new in India to have Dalits and Muslims engage politically for social empowerment. Following the partition of India, their political engagement is largely slackened. Similarly, the unity among Dalits and Muslim peasants in late colonial Bengal was stronger than it is today. Both sections of society used to share a similar political interest. Several historians suggest that Hindu Dalits in late colonial Bengal were associated with Muslim peasants as their social allies. According to multiple historians, the disparity between Muslims and untouchable tenants was potentially less than that between untouchables and upper-class landlords. During the colonial era, untouchables and Muslims formed political alliances to oppose the dominant upper-class Hindu landlords. A River Called Titash portrays a low-caste Hindu fishing community called the Malo in late colonial Bengal and their friendly coexistence with other communities, especially with Muslim peasants. The author, as a member of the Malo community, ethnographically elaborates on the story of their lives, including births, marriages and deaths. In every aspect of their lives, there is a solid anguish against caste discrimination that pervades. By emphasizing the social engagement of the Malo with Muslim peasants, this research article aims to examine the type of social alliance that exists between them and how these two groups view each other as social allies. Additionally, it can serve as an example of the contemporary social position of Dalits in late colonial Bengal and their political alliances with Muslims.

Germany has been among Israel's strongest supporters since the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks, providing both diplomatic backing and significant arms transfers.

In contrast to earlier empirical research that documents the import and export price elasticities at an aggregate level, this article estimates bilateral price and income impacts on Pakistan's trade performance with its four major trading partners, i.e., USA, UK, Germany, and Japan. Using quarterly data for the period 1982-I-1996-IV and the Three-stage Least Square technique, the study documents the impact of real devaluation, real income, export incentives, and domestic inflation on trade performance with respect to each of the four trading partners.

This paper investigates the existence of seasonal patterns in the quarterly merchandise export and import data of Pakistan from 1982:1 to 2002:1. Unit root tests are applied to determine whether the seasonal component in each variable exhibits stochastic non-stationarity. Deterministic and stochastic effects are isolated and quantified. Few alternate DGP specifications are identified, fitted and tested for their outof- sample forecasting performance. A tentative finding is that deterministic effects are relatively more important than stochastic ones. However, integrated models, i.e., ARIMA, mixed ARIMA, and ARIMA-GARCH, outperform deterministic models with respect to forecasting.

AbstractViolent border practices against irregular migration are not new, although increasing xenophobia and anti-immigrant sentiments have drawn greater attention to such practices in recent years. Such measures—both in and at the borders—constitute organized violence on migrant bodies, making them permanently insecure. This is particularly striking in the context of European liberal democracies with its established discourse of human rights, which have since the 1990s consolidated a formidable architecture of deterrence and which have intensified such efforts with the 2015 "migrant crisis" with increasing sea interceptions, restrictive anti-immigrant measures, and the criminalization of solidarity efforts. This article asks: How does the European Union (EU) legitimize violence in its border regime and reconcile this regime with its core identity as a defender of human rights and a "normative superpower"? By drawing on critical discourse analysis and reviewing policy statements, speeches, and press releases, it identifies the discourse topics, discursive strategies, and linguistic means through which EU migration discourse seeks to legitimize its sprawling architecture of strategic cruelty against irregular migration. This article argues that the purpose of the resulting discourse is to "absolve and resolve"—absolving the union as a whole of guilt and resolving the cognitive dissonance between the professed identity of the EU as supremely humanitarian and the observable inhumane acts of itself and its member states. This explains how the EU can employ strategic cruelty to mitigate the arrival of migrants while simultaneously maintaining moral standing to chastise individual members for "violating" the hegemonic collective identity of the union.