Rio Tinto's destruction of Juukan Gorge brought international condemnation. The subsequent interim report commissioned by the Australian Parliament was entitled 'Never Again'. But was this a 'never again' to the logic of settler colonialism? Or to the extractive capitalism that rearranges economic and social life with the sole objective of wealth accumulation? Or to the legislative collaboration between settler colonial states and capitalism? Environmental injustice is sustained internationally through the many entanglements at the intersection of law, coloniality, corporate extractivism and Indigenous sovereignty. These entanglements are explored here in relation to: the idea of a 'trade-off' between Indigenous rights and 'economic benefits' (e.g. the Shenhua coal mine in Australia); the over-riding of local rights through a corporate-driven developmental narrative, which results in the erosion of Indigenous ways of life over a long period, rather than through a singular dramatic event (e.g. oil extraction by Chevron in Ecuador); the difficulties in bringing cases to justice (e.g. the Mount Polley dam collapse in Canada); the need for 'green alternatives' to also respect Indigenous rights; and the potential for greater legal regulation (e.g. the ruling by the Supreme Court of Panama on Indigenous rights; recent legal challenges to the Brazilian government's failure to meet its environmental responsibilities). Social movements and juridical spaces need to adopt a radical shift in their vocabulary and in their world-making practices. Courts play a major role in shaping the way Indigenous environmental justice is understood, and are a vital site of contestation for radical environmental justice movements.
Mercedes Biocca's The Silences of Dispossession: Agrarian Change and Indigenous Politics in Argentina provides excellent accounts of Indigenous participation in and resistance to the dispossession by the capitalist and neoliberal apparatuses of accumulation and elimination. The post The Silences of Dispossession appeared first on Progress in Political Economy (PPE).
Women in India are still struggling for financial independence. Females in India accounted for 48%, but their participation in the workforce is 26% (The Hindu, 2018). A significant proportion of the female labour workforce is engaged in the unorganized sector. The main reason for it is the informal sector flexibility to handle both work and household activity. In the Informal sector, enterprises are categorized as Own Account Enterprise (OAE, Enterprise do not hire any worker) and Establishments (enterprises which do hire any worker on a fairly regular basis). Many researchers referred to establishments as 'opportunity-Driven Enterprise' and 'Growth-oriented enterprise.' This paper will be focused on the status of Female-owned Established Enterprises all over the Indian states and in Manufacturing, Trade, and Other Services sector in India. This study is based on NSS 73rd round (2015-16). Most of the research on female entrepreneurs focused on their participation in Own Account Enterprises. This study is way forward to other studies because it focuses on growth-oriented enterprises than Necessity- Driven Enterprises, i.e., OAE.