Suchergebnisse

In Marokko definiert der König nach wie vor den politischen Spielraum. Dabei legt der »Palast«, eine gängige Chiffre für den König und sein Patronagenetzwerk, seinem stärk-sten Gegenspieler, der moderat islamistischen Partei für Gerechtigkeit und Entwicklung (PJD), immer mehr Steine in den Weg. Dies hat zuletzt die langwierige Regierungsbildung nach den Parlamentswahlen vom Oktober 2016 gezeigt. Auch der Druck auf zivilgesellschaftliche Kritiker steigt stetig. Indem das Versprechen politischer Reformen Schritt für Schritt durch ein Modernisierungsversprechen ersetzt wird, droht der rela-tiv inklusive Charakter des »marokkanischen Modells« verlorenzugehen - damit ent-fiele zugleich ein wichtiger Faktor für den inneren Frieden des Landes. Dass Marokko den Fortschritt nicht zurückdreht, der mit den Reformen der letzten Jahrzehnte erzielt wurde, liegt daher auch im Interesse europäischer Außenpolitik. (SWP-Aktuell)

Scholars across the globe are increasingly victims of repression due to their crucial involvement in critical knowledge production. Studies have pointed to the connection between this worrying trend and processes of global authoritarian regression, illustrating how the curtailment of academic freedom is often a harbinger of broader human rights violations. Less work, however, has gone into systematising, categorising and comparing the ways spaces for critical inquiry are curtailed. Concise catalogues that map out the defining features of academic freedom in an exhaustive way and that could thus provide the basis for systematic comparative investigation are conspicuously absent from the literature. This article intends to fill this gap by outlining the conceptual architecture of a comprehensive Academic Freedom Index (AFI). Spelling out a methodological path towards reliable parameters for assessing the regulation and restriction of research autonomy over time and on a cross-country level, it hopes to stir methodological debate and introduce a powerful instrument for advocacy.

Civil society organisations (CSOs) in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) face mounting challenges, especially in authoritarian states, where they encounter closures, persecution and smear campaigns. Consequently, their crucial work in advancing human rights, good governance and inclusive human development is increasingly stifled and criminalised. Activists and professionals linked to CSOs also endure surveillance and persecution. This should worry European policymakers since a vibrant and free civil society in MENA is in their interest, as it is key for human development. This policy brief proposes seven ways for development cooperation to protect CSOs in authoritarian regimes in the MENA and beyond. European foreign and development policies in the MENA region have led to governmental partnerships that often sustain authoritarian regimes at the expense of citizens' rights, for instance on migration (Francavilla, 2023; Grimm & Roll, 2023). Although substantial humanitarian aid reaches conflict zones, one of the root causes of the continuing political violence and conflicts – absence of accountable democratic governments – remains inadequately addressed (Barakat & Fakih, 2021). To avoid further empowering authoritarian rule in the region, European policymakers should reassess their multi- and bilateral governmental cooperation. The prevalent assumption amongst many policymakers that the incumbent authoritarian regimes in MENA can provide political stability needs to be discarded. The stability paradigm guiding European relations with the Arab World should instead be replaced with a do-no-harm approach. Although "do no harm" is a core principle of European development cooperation policy, it often is ignored in practice or trumped by other interests (Leininger, 2023). Development cooperation benefitting citizens must prioritise inclusive human development through cooperation with a wide range of actors, including elected state bodies, independent media and watchdog CSOs (Rutzen, 2015). This policy brief develops seven recommendations for European policymakers in development cooperation. The first step is to overcome the prevalent stability-through-cooperation paradigm to prevent further negative effects on human rights, democracy and civil society. Therefore, it is important that European policymakers recognise these authoritarian regimes' unwillingness to implement reforms that would reduce their control over political institutions. Second, it remains crucial that policymakers acknowledge the increasingly shrinking space for critical voices in civil society. Third, governments and regional organisations should give CSOs a voice at international summits and in international organisations to increase the visibility of their demands and show support for oppressed voices. Fourth, European development cooperation professionals should establish flexible crisis funding lines for at-risk CSOs and their staff. Fifth, at-risk journalists, activists or human rights defenders (HRDs) need access to fast-track visa programmes to ensure they can continue their work from abroad when the authorities want to silence them. Sixth, European development cooperation profession-als should continue to support marginalised voices and groups and push for more inclusive governance. Lastly, European governments should limit arms exports to authoritarian regimes.

"This book provides empirically grounded insights into the causes, trajectories, and effects of a severe decline in university autonomy and the relationship to other dimensions of academic freedom by comparing in-depth country studies and evidence from a new global timeseries dataset. Drawing attention to ongoing discussions on standards for monitoring and assessment of academic freedom at regional and international organizations, this book identifies a need for clearer standards on academic freedom and a human rights-based definition of university autonomy. Further, the book calls for accompanying international oversight and the inclusion of criteria related to academic freedom in international university rankings. Five expert-authored case studies on academic freedom from diverse nations (Bangladesh, Mozambique, India, Poland, and Turkey) are included in the volume. Drawing on both qualitative and quantitative evidence, the book offers a unique and timely contribution to the field and will be of great interest to scholars, researchers, and students in the fields of higher education, human rights, political science and public policy"--

This book explores the challenges and risks that researchers might face while conducting social science fieldwork. It offers best practice guidance for how to do research in hostile environments and provides pragmatic advice to help you make good decisions and minimize fieldwork risk. Covering each stage of the social research process - from research preparations to post-research debriefing - it outlines in a clear way to how to undertake fieldwork as safely as possible. Drawing on the authors' experiences of doing fieldwork in regions of conflict, the book is grounded in real-world examples and offers practical suggestions for how to assure the physical safety and digital security of both researchers and respondents. The book: Provides guidance about key aspects of the research process like choosing a research question in potentially sensitive contexts. Offers up to date advice on data and digital security to combat new risks and challenges in a contemporary research environment. Forms a practical toolkit you can apply to your project, with templates for conducting risk assessments and checklists that help you develop a tailored security framework Accessible and easy to read, this book helps you build your understanding of the challenges of on-the-ground social science research and offers practical support to empower you to meet the challenges of your research landscape head on.

In Marokko definiert der König nach wie vor den politischen Spielraum. Dabei legt der "Palast", eine gängige Chiffre für den König und sein Patronagenetzwerk, seinem stärk­sten Gegenspieler, der moderat islamistischen Partei für Gerechtigkeit und Entwicklung (PJD), immer mehr Steine in den Weg. Dies hat zuletzt die langwierige Regierungsbildung nach den Parlamentswahlen vom Oktober 2016 gezeigt. Auch der Druck auf zivilgesellschaftliche Kritiker steigt stetig. Indem das Versprechen politischer Reformen Schritt für Schritt durch ein Modernisierungsversprechen ersetzt wird, droht der rela­tiv inklusive Charakter des "marokkanischen Modells" verlorenzugehen - damit ent­fiele zugleich ein wichtiger Faktor für den inneren Frieden des Landes. Dass Marokko den Fortschritt nicht zurückdreht, der mit den Reformen der letzten Jahrzehnte erzielt wurde, liegt daher auch im Interesse europäischer Außenpolitik. (Autorenreferat)

In Morocco it is still the king who defines the boundaries of political discourse and action. The palace is increasingly placing obstacles in the path of its strongest adversary, the moderate Islamist Justice and Development Party (PJD). This was seen most recently in the difficult and protracted coalition negotiations following the October 2016 parliamentary elections. At the same time, pressure on civil society critics is steadily intensifying. The inherent promise of political reform in Morocco's comparatively inclusive model is increasingly eroding and gradually substituted with the promise of economic modernisation, potentially undermining the very bases of the kingdoms domestic stability. It is thus also in Europe's interests for Morocco to uphold the progress it has achieved through the political reforms of recent decades. (author's abstract)