Suchergebnisse

This paper aims to argue that the international community, especially the UN and the EU, through their missions in Kosovo, have never supported resolving the Kosovo issue in the context of the Albanian issue in the Balkans. International mechanisms have been against the identification of Kosovo as an Albanian national issue, as they have imposed standards, criterias and policies that lead to the alienation of political identification of Kosovo with what is albanian. Through formulas and slogans on multiethnic society, the international community has made it impossible to build and identify Kosovo as an Albanian national state. By stopping Kosovo's identification with the Albanian nation, making it impossible to unite with Albania by imposing exclusively non-Albanian state symbols, promoting the relativization of Serbia's invasive past in Kosovo through the so-called history review process, the international community in Kosovo clearly has implemented denationalization policies that, as a last resort, after denationalization, would have the creation of the so-called new Kosovo national identity. Through qualitative methodological approaches, the paper will review, analyze.

This paper aims to argue that the international community, especially the UN and the EU, through their missions in Kosovo, have never supported resolving the Kosovo issue in the context of the Albanian issue in the Balkans. International mechanisms have been against the identification of Kosovo as an Albanian national issue, as they have imposed standards, criterias and policies that lead to the alienation of political identification of Kosovo with what is albanian. Through formulas and slogans on multiethnic society, the international community has made it impossible to build and identify Kosovo as an Albanian national state. By stopping Kosovo's identification with the Albanian nation, making it impossible to unite with Albania by imposing exclusively non-Albanian state symbols, promoting the relativization of Serbia's invasive past in Kosovo through the so-called history review process, the international community in Kosovo clearly has implemented denationalization policies that, as a last resort, after denationalization, would have the creation of the so-called new Kosovo national identity. Through qualitative methodological approaches, the paper will review, analyze.

The Declaration of Independence of Kosovo on February 17, 2008 was based on the so- called "Ahtisaari package", prepared by the envoy of the General Secretary of the United Nations, Martti Ahtisaari. The general conditions were related to the democratic and multi-ethnic nature of the state, but particularly they had to do with the granting and guaranteeing the rights of national minorities or minority communities as referred to the document. Among other elements, the proposal presumed that through decentralization of local government and the foundation of new municipalities where minority communities live, to guarantee their self- government as a process of acceptance and integration in the state of Kosovo. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate that decentralization and the foundation of new municipalities, especially the Serb community in Kosovo, more than helped with their self-government has led to their disintegration and isolation, deepen even more the separation from the ethnic majority population in Kosovo. The Association of Serb municipalities reached in Brussels on August 2015, demonstrates the tendency of the local Serb municipalities to connect to an autonomous political organisation, as a preliminary phase towards the total boycott of the Kosovo state.

The formation of the nations and the creation of identities and national cultures are not only moments that are identified with historical circumstances of liberation, revival or establishment of national states. These are ongoing processes which start with the establishment of modern national states and continue in the form of state politics and aim to consolidate, cultivate and promote culture which is considered as "national culture". The aim of this paper is to introduce the role and the importance of the Mass media in the formation of national cultures, in the context of ongoing processes of formation and consolidation of nations. It will also be argued the importance that Mass media had together with the politics of public education and social-cultural politics in the creation of national culture in the majority of national states of Europe, respectively the penetration of the national state in the social and political identity of people. Furthermore, in the historical context, particular importance will be given to the interpretation of the importance of printed media, newspapers, and books as a medium, in the spread of the national language at the mass of people. Except theoretical reviews on the relationship "media- national building-identity", the paper also aims to represent the role of the Mass media in the formation of the identity and national Albanian culture. Hence, in this observation of the relationship "Mass media-national building-identity" in the Albanian world, it will be concluded the absent role of the Albanian Mass media in the promotion and strengthening of the national Albanian culture, a consequence of which is the idea of the so-called "Kosovar identity". As a conclusion, the role of the Mass media in the formation and consolidation of the national culture is essential.

With the re-proclaimed independence of Kosova on 17 February 2008 and with the foundation (establishment) of Kosova's state among the public opinion began to circulate the idea that "since Kosova became a state, now we can also find the "Kosova nation", because every state should have his own nationality, different (divers) by other national- states. The aim of this study is to argue that the idea of the Kosova state has not born with the purpose to create the new national identity of Kosova's people (so the Kosovo nation) because the Albanian national identity of Kosova has been solid, established and determined. Besides the political unit not necessarily imposes the changing the national identity of the people (even if in the occupation circumstances). In fact, the efforts of Kosova people for liberation, independence and state building had the aim to protect guarantee and cultivate their determined and formed Albanian national identity which was being violated by Serbia. The paper will explain the idea that the "Kosova identity" as the "new national identity of Kosova" is more an artificial construction that ignores the historical and political conditions on the road of Albanian of Kosova for independence, than a real natural identity aspiration of Kosova's people. Moreover, this idea is in contradict with the theoretical principles of modern nation building in general. At the end, will be concluded that Kosova state was projected from elites and the people of Kosova as a second Albanian state, temporarily unable for the union with the (natural Albanian state), Albania, so the "Kosova's identity" is only an Albanian sub-identity with distinguished characteristics, but this is normal for all the modern national identities. As an actual obstacle of natural compliance of the Albanian identity with the state of Kosova are the "Ahtisaar principles" of the actual Republic (the republic of 17 February); which the political elites of Kosova after 2007 accepted as a compromise for the "recognition" of Kosova independence from the Security Council of UN (even after this compromise the council does not recognize Kosova's independence)

With the re-proclaimed independence of Kosova on 17 February 2008 and with the foundation (establishment) of Kosova's state among the public opinion began to circulate the idea that "since Kosova became a state, now we can also find the "Kosova nation", because every state should have his own nationality, different (divers) by other national-states. The aim of this study is to argue that the idea of the Kosova state has not born with the purpose to create the new national identity of Kosova's people (so the Kosovo nation) because the Albanian national identity of Kosova has been solid, established and determined. Besides the political unit not necessarily imposes the changing the national identity of the people (even if in the occupation circumstances). In fact, the efforts of Kosova people for liberation, independence and state building had the aim to protect guarantee and cultivate their determined and formed Albanian national identity which was being violated by Serbia. The paper will explain the idea that the "Kosova identity" as the "new national identity of Kosova" is more an artificial construction that ignores the historical and political conditions on the road of Albanian of Kosova for independence, than a real natural identity aspiration of Kosova's people. Moreover, this idea is in contradict with the theoretical principles of modern nation building in general. At the end, will be concluded that Kosova state was projected from elites and the people of Kosova as a second Albanian state, temporarily unable for the union with the (natural Albanian state), Albania, so the "Kosova's identity" is only an Albanian sub-identity with distinguished characteristics, but this is normal for all the modern national identities. As an actual obstacle of natural compliance of the Albanian identity with the state of Kosova are the "Ahtisaar principles" of the actual Republic (the republic of 17 February); which the political elites of Kosova after 2007 accepted as a compromise for the "recognition" of Kosova independence from the Security Council of UN (even after this compromise the council does not recognize Kosova's independence).

The focus of this study is the relation of media with the audiences in Albania and Kosova. The study further aims to analyze the relations of television media, as a means of mass-communication with the public, observing above all their tendency to transform television into a control tool, namely to influence the path of creating independent judgments. The talk show type programs present in Tirana media will be treated as shows simulanously serving to initiate the public defense of powerful people. This claim shall be followed by the attempt to answer the questions: is the tendency to win the "public battle" one of imposing "the indisputable truth" to the audiences? What is the media impact on them and what transformation do media undergo as a result of the mediatization of society? What is the relation between them and what is their mutual refusal or impact? Does the Albanian spectacle present the current situation in Albanian society or is it an unrealistic portrayal of made-up images? Beyond this, other TV media from the Albanian environment will be treated, together with their impact in shaping the public opinion. Televisions in Kosova will be treated as being in apathy with regards to spectacular talk-shows, and dominated by political tendencies which predominate the cultural discourse. TV opinionism comprises another characteristic of the "Albanian spectacle" which will be in the focus of this study. Does this opinionism constitute a media mechanism to spectacularize the public, or does it comprise, together with the media itself, an instrument in the hand of "power" to control and construct the society? Special phenomena characteristic for the Albanian media in Albania (and its impact on the society), will be contrasted and compared to special phenomena of the media in Kosova (together with their impact). The relation of television with the public opinion in Albania and the tendency to "spectacularize" the society through presenting public judgments will be in the core of the research; while in Kosova the tendency to develop controlled media through information control shall be looked into closely.

The focus of this study is the relation of media with the audiences in Albania and Kosova. The study further aims to analyze the relations of television media, as a means of mass-communication with the public, observing above all their tendency to transform television into a control tool, namely to influence the path of creating independent judgments. The talk show type programs present in Tirana media will be treated as shows simulanously serving to initiate the public defense of powerful people. This claim shall be followed by the attempt to answer the questions: is the tendency to win the "public battle" one of imposing "the indisputable truth" to the audiences? What is the media impact on them and what transformation do media undergo as a result of the mediatization of society? What is the relation between them and what is their mutual refusal or impact? Does the Albanian spectacle present the current situation in Albanian society or is it an unrealistic portrayal of made-up images? Beyond this, other TV media from the Albanian environment will be treated, together with their impact in shaping the public opinion. Televisions in Kosova will be treated as being in apathy with regards to spectacular talk-shows, and dominated by political tendencies which predominate the cultural discourse. TV opinionism comprises another characteristic of the "Albanian spectacle" which will be in the focus of this study. Does this opinionism constitute a media mechanism to spectacularize the public, or does it comprise, together with the media itself, an instrument in the hand of "power" to control and construct the society? Special phenomena characteristic for the Albanian media in Albania (and its impact on the society), will be contrasted and compared to special phenomena of the media in Kosova (together with their impact). The relation of television with the public opinion in Albania and the tendency to "spectacularize" the society through presenting public judgments will be in the core of the research; while in Kosova the tendency to develop controlled media through information control shall be looked into closely.