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This paper is a qualitative study that examines how and why some citizens use their Facebook network as a personal public. The concept of the personal public in this study is defined by a relative sense of privacy in the closed individual Facebook network, together with a sense of publicness based on the mass and diversity of these connections. The paper goes on to argue that the individual may go through a reflection process as they move from personal thinking to public political communication. The process does not guarantee increased reflection, but it serves to show potential individual gains from public political communication that have so far been understudied in research on political debates on Facebook.

This article is a critical study of the Facebook pages of politicians as public spheres using Dahlberg's notion of contestation. A method is implemented inspired by qualitative content analysis and including focus groups in order to study citizen comments on eight main political candidates' Facebook pages during the 2011 Danish election campaign. An analytical framework is presented that conceptualizes the particular platform as a dinner party, with a dinner table, a host, and the invited guests. The dinner party exhibits the interplay between these elements and how they limit the option of contesting the dominating discourse in favor of a supportive marketing logic.

Based on 18 qualitative interviews, this article explores how the social media managersfor the nine parties in the Danish parliament articulate the role of social media during the2015 national elections. The article finds that the interviewees emphasise Facebook as animportant means for one-way political communication and the monitoring of public opinion.The majority of the interviewees articulate a sense of responsibility for facilitating publicdebate on Facebook through the moderation of user-generated content and/or interactionswith users. Yet the social media managers do not systematically analyse political inputfrom social media users, nor do they see Facebook and Twitter as viable means of citizeninfluence on political decision-making. This is explained by a perceived lack of voterrepresentativeness among Facebook users, fear of appearing politically imprudent andscepticism towards social media's participatory potential.

Based on 18 qualitative interviews, this article explores how the social media managers for the nine parties in the Danish parliament articulate the role of social media during the 2015 national elections. The article finds that the interviewees emphasise Facebook as an important means for one-way political communication and the monitoring of public opinion. The majority of the interviewees articulate a sense of responsibility for facilitating public debate on Facebook through the moderation of user-generated content and/or interactions with users. Yet the social media managers do not systematically analyse political input from social media users, nor do they see Facebook and Twitter as viable means of citizen influence on political decision-making. This is explained by a perceived lack of voter representativeness among Facebook users, fear of appearing politically imprudent and scepticism towards social media's participatory potential.

Die Schulschließung im Jahr 2020 aufgrund der Corona-Pandemie führte dazu, dass Eltern eine neue oder erweiterte Funktion im Kontext des schulischen Lernens ihrer Kinder einnahmen. Die elterliche Unterstützung hat unter der besonderen Lernsituation noch einmal eine besondere Bedeutung bekommen. Auch spielten die Eltern eine wichtigere Rolle in der Bereitstellung von Rahmenbedingungen, beispielsweise durch das vermehrte digitale Distanzlernen, da schulisches Lernen eine deutliche Verschiebung in das familiale Umfeld erfahren hatte. Der Beitrag untersucht auf Basis von über 6.500 Elternangaben, wie die organisatorische Lernunterstützung und der zeitliche Unterstützungsumfang mit familialen Merkmalen sowie schulbezogenen Merkmalen von Kindern zusammenhängen. Explorierend werden lernrelevante, problematische Ressourcenlagen dargestellt. Die Ergebnisse zeigten keine (bedeutsamen) Zusammenhänge mit klassischen soziodemographischen Merkmalen, die bislang vor allem in der Hausaufgabenforschung diskutiert wurden. Die Möglichkeit zum Homeoffice hing hingegen mit der organisatorischen Lernunterstützung zusammen. Als bedeutsame Prädiktoren erwiesen sich die Klassenstufe, schulische Leistungen und bei der zeitlichen Unterstützung die Schulform.

Social media has been a part of election campaigns for more than a decade. In this special issue, we combine longitudinal and cross-national studies of social media in election campaigns, expanding the time span as well as number of countries compared to former comparative studies. The four papers present examples of longitudinal studies, covering multiple election cycles from four different countries: Australia, the United States of America, Denmark, and Italy. By including the countries mentioned, we focus on countries considered to be "first movers" when it comes to the digitization and internetization of the political life. As such, they are "most similar cases." However, they also have different political systems: the United States and Australia are characterized by a Westminster system dominated by a few large parties and a tradition of strong confrontation between government and opposition, whereas Denmark and Italy are multi-party systems with a tradition of collaboration and coalition governments. Technologically, the four countries might be similar, but politically and in terms of media systems, they differ; the United States is characterized by a commercialized American media system with little role for public service broadcasters, Denmark has very strong public service media, and Australia has elements of both these systems. Finally, Italy represents a Southern European media system with traces of clientelism as well as public service media. Thus, studies of the four countries form a diverse yet solid set of cases for exploring the growing (and changing) role of social media in national elections.

In this case study on Denmark, we particularly focus on trajectories of participation, the question of increasing mobilization, and the perceived outcomes in terms of efficacy. Contrary to other studies, we seek to establish a coherent perspective including the "silent majority." By combining studies of participation, mobilization, and efficacy, we wish to provide not only a rigorous documentation of mobilization and efficacy of social media during election campaigns, but also a historic documentation of the participatory use and perception of social media as a democratic and political tool during three national election campaigns from 2011 to 2019.

In this case study on Denmark, we particularly focus on trajectories of participation, the question of increasing mobilization, and the perceived outcomes in terms of efficacy. Contrary to other studies, we seek to establish a coherent perspective including the "silent majority." By combining studies of participation, mobilization, and efficacy, we wish to provide not only a rigorous documentation of mobilization and efficacy of social media during election campaigns, but also a historic documentation of the participatory use and perception of social media as a democratic and political tool during three national election campaigns from 2011 to 2019.

Main findings of the survey » Social media use is a daily practice in Denmark, however, frequency and type of use differ greatly. » Danes use social media primarily to read content; it is less frequently used for producing original content or for interacting with content produced by others. » Younger Danes are more active and present on social media platforms than older generations. The generation between 20 and 39 years is most likely to use Facebook in order to discuss politics with strangers. » When specifically looking at how users understand their communication on Facebook, it turns out that many of them view their communication as private. Especially the social network Facebook is used for private communication, e.g. exchanging messages with close friends and family. » In general, it is not very common for Danish citizens to actively engage in political debates online with strangers, and to change a personal view on a political issue after this. Nevertheless, there is a smaller group of Danes who say they do so.

Der Beitrag setzt sich auseinander mit den nationalsozialistischen Jugendorganisationen "Hitlerjugend" (HJ) und "Bund deutscher Mädel" (BDM). Im Vordergrund stehen persönliche Erfahrungen und Eindrücke ehemaliger HJ-Mitglieder. Angesprochen wird in diesem Zusammenhang auch die sogenannte "Swing-Jugend", die von den NS-Behörden als oppositionell eingestuft und entsprechend bekämpft wurde. (KF)

An dem Ort in Berlin, an dem sich während des "Dritten Reiches" die Zentralen der Gestapo, der SS und des Reichssicherheitshauptamtes befanden, informiert seit 1987 das Dokumentationszentrum "Topographie des Terrors" über die wichtigsten Institutionen des NS-Terrors - mittlerweile gehört die "Topographie" zu den meistbesuchten Museen Berlins. Aus Anlass der Neufassung der Dauerausstellung im vergangenen Jahr entstand dieser sehr gute Katalog, der Institutionen, Täter und ihre in ganz Europa begangenen Taten ausführlich anhand vieler beeindruckender Fotografien dokumentiert. Spannend auch zu sehen, wie die Entwicklung des historischen Ortes nach 1945 verlief. Prägnante Begleittexte und Bildunterschriften erleichtern den Zugang. Für eine breite, historisch interessierte Leserschaft. (2) (LK/F: Dankert)