Suchergebnisse

Electoral success of independents and minor parties is often interpreted as indicating a weakening of two‐party systems of political competition. This paper, on all thirteen elections for the Northern Territory Legislative Assembly since 1974, observes that independents have enjoyed far more success than minor parties. It argues that independent success has reflected a continuing strong two‐party system, not a weakening one. Six of ten successful independents in NTLA elections have been "splitters" from the Country Liberal Party in times of intra‐party turmoil. Their subsequent electoral success as independents in divisions previously very safe for the CLP leads to development of a "lopsided seats" hypothesis; that independents succeed in electoral divisions where the two‐party contest has become lopsided, with one major party attracting twice the votes of the other or more. Two successful "non‐splitter" independents in the 2016 election also contested such divisions — one lopsided to the CLP and one to Labor. This latter successful independent ran with the support of a Yolgnu First Nation organisation, which re‐opens questions in the literature about Aboriginal candidates and Aboriginal voters, including turnout levels. A jurisdiction‐wide graphic technique of "proportionality profiling" is applied to all thirteen NTLA elections and contextualises the later division‐level analysis.

This paper identifies two periods of punctuated change in the content and style of Australian Indigenous policy in the last fifty years. It also identifies a third period in which attention to Indigenous policy was heightened through the nationalisation of land issues already well‐established on the agendas of sub‐national jurisdictions. The paper relates all three periods to the changing federal institutions of Australian Indigenous policy, with the Commonwealth slowly exploring its post‐1967 role as a national government in Indigenous affairs. In later sections, the paper identifies some more conceptual bases of changing policy agendas, through ideas of the competing principles of equality, choice and guardianship and the generational moral dynamics of Indigenous affairs.

In the mid 1970s HC Coombs was a major promoter of the idea behind the CDEP scheme: that rather than pay lots of Aboriginal people in remote areas unemployment benefits it would be more constructive for them to be employed part‐time by local Indigenous organisations to undertake socially useful tasks. From this simple idea was born one of the most significant and, in time, one of the largest Indigenous‐specific programs Australia has seen, the Community Development Employment Projects scheme. The birth was not easy and neither has been the subsequent life of what I have called, with great licence, Coombs' bastard child.