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This paper examines developments and dilemmas in relations between local governments and Indigenous Australians over the last quarter century. It establishes a framework for analysis based on differences in local government systems, circumstances and populations. It then examines two sets of developments in relations which have occurred in contrasting circumstances. The first is ongoing poor relations in incorporated local government areas, focusing on a complex of issues surrounding land ownership, rates and services. The second is discrete predominantly Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander communities which have been themselves becoming local governments. Both of these sets of developments are seen as being accompanied by significant dilemmas. In relation to the first, the major dilemma identified is how superordinate levels of government should best proceed in attempts to improve relations. In relation to the second, major dilemmas are identified relating to Indigenous 'ownership' of the resulting local government structures and the weakness of the financial position of these newly-emerging local governments. The paper suggests there have been some very significant and quite complex developments in relations between local governments and Indigenous Australians over the last quarter century. However, these developments have only tentatively moved relations in a more positive direction, if indeed at all. Poor relations still predominate between local governments and Indigenous Australians.

"This paper examines recent local government reform in the Northern Territory from two perspectives. The first is a quantitative perspective on population and finances, which focuses on the mixing of diverse interests in the recent changes. The second is a more observational perspective gained from working with one pre-reform local government and now the new larger local government that has replaced it. The paper argues that the recent changes are generational in nature in a number of different ways. It also argues that the greater challenge for the new local governments may be their vast geographic scale, rather than their mixing of diverse interests."--Abstract. ; Introduction -- Population and financial analysis: mixing diverse interests -- The problem of scale: an observational approach -- How did it happen? the idea of generational change -- Conclusion -- References

The engagement of Indigenous Australians in economic activity is a matter of long-standing public concern and debate. Jon Altman has been intellectually engaged with Indigenous economic activity for almost 40 years, most prominently through his elaboration of the concept of the hybrid economy, and most recently through his sustained and trenchant critique of policy. He has inspired others also to engage with these important issues, both through his writing and through his position as the foundation Director of The Australian National University's Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy research from 1990 to 2010. The year 2014 saw both Jon's 60th birthday and his retirement from CAEPR. This collection of essays marks those events. Contributors include long‑standing colleagues from the disciplines of economics, anthropology and political science, and younger scholars who have been inspired by Jon's approach in developing their own research projects. All point to the complexity as well as the importance of engaging with Indigenous economic activity — conceptually, empirically and as a strategic concern for public policy.

Torres Strait has 18 local governments, elections for which were held in March of both 2000 and 2004 in conjunction with other local government elections in Queensland. Elections were also held at these times for additional positions on two regional representative bodies for Torres Strait, the Island Co-ordinating Council and the Torres Strait Regional Authority. This paper examines all these elections, focusing on changes in political leadership and also a possible emerging change in political style in Torres Strait.

This paper examines the history of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation (CAR) in Australia from 1991 to 2001 and argues that reconciliation between Australia's Indigenous and settler peoples was never likely to be achieved in that time frame. Reconciliation, it argues, will be a matter of many decades or even hundreds of years, rather than just one decade of directed policy effort. The second half of the paper revisits an analysis of the reconciliation process written by Richard Mulgan in early 1996. Following Mulgan, the paper argues for a theoretical basis for reconciliation which moves beyond guilt and blame. However, also following Mulgan, it recognises the political and social difficulties of achieving this. The mission of CAR was, from the outset, overambitious and unrealistic. Though the paper pays considerable attention to the role of the Howard government in the inconclusive fading away of CAR, ultimately it argues that a somewhat similar demise was likely for the Council whatever government was in power in 2001. Reconciliation between Australia's Indigenous and settler peoples will be a long time coming; to all intents and purposes it will be a journey without end

This paper begins with a historical analysis of both the rhetoric and the institutions of Australian Indigenous affairs since self-determination was first adopted as Commonwealth government policy in late 1972. It then moves on to conceive of these institutional developments, following Rowse, as the emergence of an Indigenous organisational sector. This terminology is, the paper argues, very useful both in tying together diverse institutional developments and in progressing debates about issues of representation and the role therein of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) and other Indigenous organisations. The language of the Indigenous sector does, however, also have its limitations. It portrays Indigenous interests as comparable with those of other groups who enjoy a corporatist-style relationship with government, such as industry bodies and trade unions. The ultimate strength of Indigenous peoples' political claims lies, however, in their being seen as quite different from those other interests; as being those of 'peoples' or 'nations' who pre-existed the encompassing society and who still, to some extent, form separate communities and political entities within that society. The latter half of the paper introduces the idea, following the example of Canada, of Indigenous peoples' organisations and their processes of representation as constituting an Indigenous order of Australian government. It is argued that this is perhaps the only philosophically coherent and historically realistic approach to future Indigenous affairs policy. It is also argued that this rethought approach has a number of clear policy implications, both practical and more theoretical. One practical implication is that calls for more ongoing guaranteed financing of Indigenous peoples' organisations should be seen as more reasonable and less exceptional. Another is that accountability processes and representation issues should be seen as matters for consideration within the Indigenous order, as well as being issues between Indigenous peoples' organisations and State or Territory and Commonwealth governments. A more theoretical policy implication is that calls for a treaty from Indigenous Australians should be treated as both well-founded and appropriate. The paper concludes by reiterating that both 'self-determination' and 'an Indigenous order of Australian government' are indeed appropriate key terms for Australian Indigenous affairs policy in the twenty-first century. With the demise of European imperialism, Australia's Indigenous minorities deserve a path to decolonisation as much as do Indigenous majorities elsewhere.

In his 1993 Boyer lecture, Getano Lui (Jnr) called for a change in the status of Torres Strait governance structures within the Australian federation, nominating the Centenary of Federation on January 1, 2001 as a possible time for change. In 1996, the Commonwealth Minister for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs initiated a Parliamentary Committee inquiry into greater autonomy for the people of Torres Strait, which reported favourably in 1997. This report was not, however, greeted all that favourably by Torres Strait Islanders and it now seems unlikely that any significantly new governance structures for Torres Strait will be in place by the Centenary of Federation. This paper attempts to explain why. The paper begins with a review of existing Torres Strait governance structures and the processes of political change taking place within them during the 1990s. It then considers the recommendations of the Parliamentary Committee's report and reactions to those recommendations. It argues that the Parliamentary Committee made some ill-conceived and inappropriate recommendations because it did not understand processes of political change occurring in Torres Strait during the 1990s and did not come to grips with the strength and depth of Islander feelings of distinctiveness from Aboriginal Australians. It examines government responses to the Parliamentary Committee inquiry and further Islander reactions in the light of these. In its final section, the paper argues that while there have been missed opportunities along the way, the Centenary of Federation was, in fact, always an ambitious timetable for the reform of Torres Strait governance structures. There are significant unresolved issues still to be addressed among Islanders and there have, in recent years, been other more pressing issues to attend to, such as native title. The Centenary of Federation has proven to be not so much a missed opportunity for Torres Strait governance structures as just bad timing.

Thünen-Wissenschaftler Sanders fordert mehr Beteiligung von Wirtschaftsakteuren und der Zivilgesellschaft - Mehr Nachfrage nach Ökoprodukten, bessere Honorierung von Umweltleistungen sowie mehr Beratung, Bildung und Forschung als entscheidende Faktoren für weiteres Wachstum - Wirtschaftlichkeit ein ausschlaggebendes Kriterium für die Umstellung - Klimaschutz, biologische Vielfalt und tierwohl als Treiber.

Der ökologische Landbau ist eine besonders nachhaltige Wirtschaftsform, die zur Bewältigung der umwelt- und ressourcenpolitischen Herausforderungen der Landwirtschaft einen Beitrag leisten kann. Zudem bietet der Ökolandbau landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben eine vielversprechende Entwicklungsperspektive. Die Entwicklung des ökologischen Landbaus ist deshalb nicht nur eine Angelegenheit der Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher, die durch ihre Nachfrage nach ökologischen Erzeugnissen eine weitere Ausdehnung der ökologischen Produktion vorantreiben. Auch dem Staat kommt durch die "Nachfrage" nach öffentlichen Güterne eine wichtige Rolle zu. Vor diesem Hintergrund möchte die Bundesregierung den Ökolandbau stärken und einen Flächenanteil von 20 Prozent bis zum Jahr 2030 erreichen. Vergleichbare Zielsetzungen haben in den letzten Jahren auch andere Länder in Europa formuliert.

This thesis examines the recruitment, transport, and working conditions of the Chinese Labour Corps in World War I in comparison to the twentieth century British 'coolie' trade of Chinese indentured laborers on the basis of labor contracts, written testimonies, newspaper articles, books, photographs, and historical records. This thesis argues that the Chinese Labour Corps methods of recruiting, transport, and conditions of work were very similar to, if not the same as, the twentieth century British coolie trade. The Chinese Labour Corps can in many ways be said to be an extension of the preexisting British coolie trade, rather than an independent and novel use of Chinese labor by the British.

Statements by politicians on Russia's unity and stability are omnipresent. This article deals with people's daily narratives by focusing on the legacies of the Great Patriotic War in the city of Kaliningrad (previously Konigsberg). In this endeavor, the article explores the immortal troop project, an alternative march to the official militaristic parade on May 9, which is devoted to the remembrance of people's fate during the war. However, the narratives' diversity and their potential as political counter narratives only becomes visible by taking into account people's personal relationship to the city's materiality. My arguments are based on long-term fieldwork, conducted between 2015 and 2017.

Gerrymandering, the term used to describe the drawing of electoral districts to favor one political party or group of people over another, has become a pressing issue with a developing academic interest. A chief concern associated with gerrymandering is how to identify and quantify it in a way that is understandable and actionable. There have been many proposed methods to quantify the effects of gerrymandering, ranging from studies of compactness, analyses using simulated election and geographic data, and measures of partisan symmetry. These measures and methods help to establish and quantify the impacts of gerrymandering but often are not enough to help in prevention. We will define, implement and examine a new statistic that measures the geographic compactness and similarity of racial make-ups for each electoral district. The goal of our statistic is to create a measure that can detect geographic or demographic irregularities in any existing or proposed districts that might suggest manipulation. This statistic could be used to help judge the fairness of proposals during the redistricting processes by helping to identify proposed districts that are drawn in an unintuitive way that might seek to favor one party over another.

Russia's seizure of many of Ukraine's naval assets dealt a serious blow to the already-small Ukrainian navy. The Ukrainian government's ambitions to rebuild a balanced fleet may be unrealizable. The progress already made in building a "mosquito fleet" suggests that redirecting development toward coastal defense would be a wiser course.

Naval diplomacy—the use of naval power in peacetime to secure influence by contemporary navies is seen by many as playing a vital and unique role in promoting the international aims of governments. The U.S. Navy's Chief of Naval Operations, Admiral Michael Mullen, clearly recognizes the diplomatic utility of naval power: "Navies are not only critical, decisive, and enabling in times of war, but they may be even more important in maintaining the peace."

Republics of the New World: The Revolutionary Political Experiment in Nineteenth-Century Latin America, by Hilda Sabato, Princeton University Press, 2018.