Suchergebnisse

AbstractI study the effects of direct democracy on economic policy in a novel setting. In Spain, national law determines that municipalities follow either direct or representative democracy, depending on their population size. Using a fixed-effect regression discontinuity design, I find that direct democracy leads to a smaller government, reducing public spending by around 8 percent. Revenues decrease by a similar amount and, therefore, there is no effect on budget deficits. These findings can be explained by a model in which direct democracy allows voters to enforce lower special-interest spending. I provide several additional results and discuss alternative mechanisms.

I exploit the unique institutional framework of Spanish local elections, where municipalities follow different electoral systems depending on their population size, as mandated by a national law. Using a regression discontinuity design, I compare turnout under closed list proportional representation and under an open list, plurality-at-large system where voters can vote for individual candidates from the same or different party-lists. I find that the open list system increases turnout by between 1 and 2 percentage points. The results suggest that open list systems, which introduce competition both across and within parties, are conducive to more voter turnout.

How do voters react to shocks that are outside the control of politicians? We address this question by studying the electoral impact of wildfires in Spain in the period 1983-2014. This context allows us to study (a) the effects of fires at different locations and times, as opposed to a specific disaster; (b) the heterogeneous effects by time relative to election day; and (c) the effects on elections for all levels of government. Using a difference-in-difference strategy, we find that an accidental fire up to 9 months ahead of a municipal election increases the incumbent party's vote share by up to 8 percentage points, whereas a fire earlier in the term does not affect the election results. In addition, fires have no effect on regional or national elections. We discuss the possible mechanisms behind the results in light of the main theories on electoral accountability.

Power and architecture have established interested links over time, demanding the first one, for well versed will, the iconographic manifestation of this one that in turn represents in his different styles the ideological needed message. The nazi regime was this faustian alliance with a symbolic fascinating symbiosis in their coded language. Albert Speer, the brilliant architect of the visionary Führer, was caught in this atmosphere that cultivated idolatry to the charismatic leader within a totalizing vision. It served as effective instrument for the creation of the expressive architecture of the political to the point of achieving set in stone the word of power. We propose a look from semiotics as additional device of architectural analysis since not only the architecture is a functionality, but also expression, emotion, and, especially, communication. Speer reaches his greatest achievements to get in their architectural scenery a cohesive space in which the representation of absolute power becomes common emotional climax, destined to a public narcotized in the collective fascination. It´s the semiotics, even with their limitations in their need for continued restructuring for the decodifications, where the ideologies and the circumstance disturb the message, a successful analytical instrument, among others, applicable to the architectural field. ; Poder y Arquitectura han establecido vínculos interesados a lo largo del tiempo, demandando el primero, por voluntad impuesta, la manifestación iconográfica de esta que a su vez representa en sus diferentes estilos el mensaje ideológico requerido. El régimen nazi extremó esta alianza fáustica con una simbiosis simbólica fascinadora en su lenguaje codificado. Albert Speer, el brillante arquitecto del Führer visionario, quedó atrapado en esta atmósfera que cultivaba la idolatría al líder carismático dentro de una visión totalizante. Sirvió de instrumento eficaz en la creación de la arquitectura expresiva del político hasta el punto de lograr fijar en piedra la palabra del poder. Proponemos una mirada desde la Semiótica, como dispositivo complementario de análisis arquitectónico ya que no solo la arquitectura es funcionalidad, sino también expresión, emoción, y, sobre todo, comunicación. Speer alcanza sus mayores logros al conseguir en sus escenografías arquitectónicas un espacio cohesivo en el que la representación del poder absoluto llega al clímax emocional común, destinado a un público narcotizado en la fascinación colectiva. Es la semiótica, aún con sus limitaciones en su necesidad de reestructuración continua para las descodificaciones, donde las ideologías y la circunstancia perturban el mensaje, un eficaz instrumento analítico, entre otros, aplicable al campo arquitectónico.

El artículo repasa la normativa española sobre el derecho de acceso a la documentación pública, su aplicación en los archivos y las consecuencias para la investigación histórica. Aunque las primeras leyes promulgadas en el periodo democrático fueron muy aperturistas, el desarrollo de la legislación sobre protección de datos personales ha restringido de forma severa el acceso a la documentación histórica. La indefinición y las contradicciones de las sucesivas normas, junto con las malas prácticas persistentes en la administración de los archivos públicos, están ocasionando trabas injustificadas para acceder a la documentación. A estos problemas se ha sumado recientemente la decisión gubernativa de extender la protección que proporcionada la Ley de Secretos Oficiales a múltiples materias relacionadas con la política exterior. Con todo ello, los historiadores encuentran graves dificultades para estudiar los periodos más recientes de la historia española. ; This paper reviews the laws and norms regulating access to public documents in Spain, as well as their actual implementation in archival institutions and their consequences for historical research. Despite the liberal character of the early laws enacted in the democratic period, the publication of subsequent privacy regulations has severely curtailed access to historical documents. The vagueness and contradictions of the relevant norms, combined with the negligence typical of Spanish public archives, are posing greater burdens in researchers' access to archival material. A situation worsened by the recent governmental decision to extend the scope of the State Secrets Act (Ley de Secretos Oficiales) to cover a number of issues relating to foreign policy. As a result, historians are finding more and more difficult the study of recent Spanish History.