Suchergebnisse

Abstract: This contribution discusses the pragmatic effects of different rhetoric strategies conveying evidence of past ingroup violence after a long lasting social denial (Cohen, 2001). In particular, a case study is presented on the making of a civic discourse on controversial historical past: war crimes committed by the Italian Army during the colonial invasion of Ethiopia (1935-36). Although very well proved (Del Boca, 2005), these facts were only recently inserted in Italian history textbooks (Leone Mastrovito, 2010; Cajani, 2013). In this same period, evidence of these crimes was officially presented during discussions of the Italian Parliament. In spite of these recent acknowledgments of the Italian responsibilities for these crimes, a social myth is still widely shared by the public opinion, representing Italians as good fellows (Italiani, brava gente: cfr. Del Boca, 2005), unable to be cruel both in everyday life and in wartimes (Volpato et al., 2012). This specific situation, denying even the reality of facts happened, has been defined literal social denial, i.e. the deepest among the three possible states of denial (literal, interpretive, implicative: cfr. Cohen, 2001). The issue of literal social denial of past ingroup violence is at the intersection among theories on narratives on national past (László, 2003), social representations of history (Liu et al., 2014), conflict ethos (Bar-Tal et al., 2012; Kelman, 2008), group-based emotions (Allpress et al., 2010; Leone, 2000) and intergroup reconciliation processes (Nadler et al., 2008). Namely, understanding how a social denial could break down implies the theorization of human mind's reflexivity as grounded on historical awareness (Ortega y Gasset, 1930), and the notion of social change as primarily rooted in natality, i.e. the fact that each birth represents a new beginning (Arendt, 1958). Drawing on this theoretical background, we will present an ongoing research program (Leone, in press) on the literal social denial (Cohen, 2001) of war crimes committed by the Italian army during colonial period and on the pragmatic effects of different kinds of communication on this controversial past. In order to address this issue, we will particularly focus on the concept of parrhesia as defined by Foucault (1983): the communicative choice of «frankness instead of persuasion, truth instead of falsehood or silence, [.] the moral duty instead of self-interest and moral apathy » (Foucault, 2001, p.19). Studies we conducted in this line tested the change in beliefs and the emotional reactions of young citizens confronted with mild or parrhesiastic descriptions of socially denied war crimes (Leone Sarrica, 2014, 2012). Empirical evidence will be discussed in order to reflect on our core idea: that a parrhesiastic communication is a risky tough necessary pragmatic move to break long lasting denial of ingroup wrongdoings, to trigger critical civic discourse in the place of social myths and to start reconciliation processes. Keywords : social denial, communication, reconciliation, parrhesia, war crimes***Résumé: ‪L'article traite des effets pragmatiques de différentes stratégies rhétoriques qui témoignent, suite à un déni social durable, de la violence perpétrée par un groupe social (Cohen, 2001). En particulier, une étude de cas est présentée sur la réalisation d'un discours civique sur un passé historique controversé, c'est-à-dire les crimes de guerre commis par l'armée italienne lors de l'invasion coloniale de l'Éthiopie (1935-36). Bien que très connus parmi les historiens (Del Boca, 2005), ces faits ne soient que récemment insérés dans les manuels d'histoire italienne (Leone Mastrovito, 2010; Cajani, 2013). Dans cette même période, la preuve de ces crimes a été officiellement présentée lors des discussions dans le Parlement italien. Malgré ces reconnaissances récentes des responsabilités italiennes pour ces crimes, un mythe social est encore largement partagé par l'opinion publique, représentant les Italiens comme de bons camarades (Italiani, brava gente: cf. Del Boca, 2005), incapables d'être cruels à la fois dans la vie quotidienne et en temps de guerre (Volpato et al., 2012). Cette situation spécifique, en supprimant même la réalité des faits, a été définie comme un refus social littéral, c'est-à-dire le plus profond parmi les trois états possibles de déni (littéral, interprétatif, implicatif: cf. Cohen, 2001). La question du déni social littéral de la violence dont son groupe est responsable se pose à l'intersection des théories concernant les récits sur le passé national (László, 2003), les représentations sociales de l'histoire (Liu et al., 2014), l'ethos de conflit (Bar-Tal et al., 2012; Kelman, 2008), les émotions basées sur le groupe (Allpress et al., 2010; Leone, 2000) et les processus de réconciliation des groupes (Nadler et al., 2008). À savoir, comprendre comment un déni social pourrait s'écrouler implique une théorisation de la réflexivité de l'esprit humain qui soit fondée sur la conscience historique (Ortega y Gasset, 1930) et la notion que le changement social soit principalement enraciné dans la natalité, alors que chaque naissance représente un nouveau départ (Arendt, 1958). En nous appuyant sur ce contexte théorique, nous présenterons un programme de recherche en cours (Leone, sous presse) portant sur le déni social littéral (Cohen, 2001) des crimes de guerre commis par l'armée italienne pendant la période coloniale et sur les effets pragmatiques de différents types de communication sur ce passé controversé. Pour aborder cette question, nous nous concentrerons particulièrement sur le concept de parrhésie tel qu'il est défini par Foucault (1983): c'est-à-dire le choix communicatif de «la franchise au lieu de la persuasion, de la vérité au lieu du mensonge ou du silence, [.] du devoir moral à la place de l'intérêt personnel et de l'apathie morale» (Foucault, 2001, p. 19). Les études que nous avons menées dans cette ligne de recherche ont exploré le changement des croyances et des réactions émotionnelles des jeunes citoyens Italiens confrontés à des descriptions légères ou parrhésiastiques de ces crimes de guerre socialement démentis (Leone Sarrica, 2014, 2012). Des preuves empiriques seront discutées afin de réfléchir à notre idée fondamentale: proposant que une communication parrhésiastique, tout en déclenchant des réactions dangereuses et difficiles à gérer, soit néanmoins la plus utile pour briser un déni durable des actes répréhensibles commis par le groupe, et soit l'unique solution viable pour provoquer un discours civique critique sur les mythes sociaux d'un passé idéalisé du groupe, favorisant le commencement des processus sociaux nécessaires pour une véritable réconciliation. Mots-clés: déni social, communication, réconciliation, parrhésie, guerre, crime

This contribution discusses the pragmatic effects of different rhetoric strategies conveying evidence of past ingroup violence after a long lasting social denial (Cohen, 2001). In particular, a case study is presented on the making of a civic discourse on controversial historical past: war crimes committed by the Italian Army during the colonial invasion of Ethiopia (1935-36). Although very well proved (Del Boca, 2005), these facts were only recently inserted in Italian history textbooks (Leone & Mastrovito, 2010; Cajani, 2013). In this same period, evidence of these crimes was officially presented during discussions of the Italian Parliament. In spite of these recent acknowledgments of the Italian responsibilities for these crimes, a social myth is still widely shared by the public opinion, representing Italians as good fellows (Italiani, brava gente: cfr. Del Boca, 2005), unable to be cruel both in everyday life and in wartimes (Volpato et al., 2012). This specific situation, denying even the reality of facts happened, has been defined literal social denial, i.e. the deepest among the three possible states of denial (literal, interpretive, implicative: cfr. Cohen, 2001). The issue of literal social denial of past ingroup violence is at the intersection among theories on narratives on national past (László, 2003), social representations of history (Liu et al., 2014), conflict ethos (Bar-Tal et al., 2012; Kelman, 2008), group-based emotions (Allpress et al., 2010; Leone, 2000) and intergroup reconciliation processes (Nadler et al., 2008). Namely, understanding how a social denial could break down implies the theorization of human mind's reflexivity as grounded on historical awareness (Ortega y Gasset, 1930), and the notion of social change as primarily rooted in natality, i.e. the fact that each birth represents a new beginning (Arendt, 1958). Drawing on this theoretical background, we will present an ongoing research program (Leone, in press) on the literal social denial (Cohen, 2001) of war crimes committed by the Italian army during colonial period and on the pragmatic effects of different kinds of communication on this controversial past. In order to address this issue, we will particularly focus on the concept of parrhesia as defined by Foucault (1983): the communicative choice of «frankness instead of persuasion, truth instead of falsehood or silence, [...] the moral duty instead of self-interest and moral apathy » (Foucault, 2001, p.19). Studies we conducted in this line tested the change in beliefs and the emotional reactions of young citizens confronted with mild or parrhesiastic descriptions of socially denied war crimes (Leone & Sarrica, 2014, 2012). Empirical evidence will be discussed in order to reflect on our core idea: that a parrhesiastic communication is a risky tough necessary pragmatic move to break long lasting denial of ingroup wrongdoings, to trigger critical civic discourse in the place of social myths and to start reconciliation processes.

Abstract
This study explores the effects of two different kinds of text addressed to young Italian students, which convey past in-group war-crimes either in a detailed or in an evasive way. After completing a first questionnaire (and confirming the social amnesia on these crimes) a sample of Italian university students (number: 103; average age: 21.79) read two versions (factual vs. evasive) of a same historical text on Italian invasion of Ethiopia (1935–36). The results show that participants reading a detailed text feel react more emotionally and feel more involved. However, the more negative reactions linked to the detailed text were also associated to a stronger will to repair intergroup relations with the descendents of ancient victims of the in-group crimes. Positive consequences of negative emotions linked to detailed text that challenge a widespread collective amnesia of war crimes are discussed.

The article suggests the use of social representations theory to provide a positive approach to peace research and a theoretical framework for understanding peace movements. Studying peace, war and conflict in this perspective enables exploration of these concepts as objects socially constructed, elaborated and shared by different groups. Four groups of activists are compared with people not belonging to any association, in order to investigate the existence of particular social representations of peace, war and conflict. As in previous cross-cultural research, an independent social representation of peace emerges only among activists. The social representation of war is also different in the two groups: non-activists see it as frightening, whereas activists see ways of tackling it. The greatest difference between the two groups is in the social representation of conflict. Conflict is assimilated to war for non-activists, whereas activists represent it as more manageable and normal. The results support the idea of understanding peace activism as a particular form of coping – community coping – based on the group as a whole, rather than on individual capacity to manage problems. At a theoretical level, the article discusses the importance of linking social representations to practice and group identification. At a practical level, it suggests that support for pacifism will be only transient and superficial until these underlying differences in representations can be changed.

The article suggests the use of social representations theory to provide a positive approach to peace research and a theoretical framework for understanding peace movements. Studying peace, war and conflict in this perspective enables exploration of these concepts as objects socially constructed, elaborated and shared by different groups. Four groups of activists are compared with people not belonging to any association, in order to investigate the existence of particular social representations of peace, war and conflict. As in previous cross-cultural research, an independent social representation of peace emerges only among activists. The social representation of war is also different in the two groups: non-activists see it as frightening, whereas activists see ways of tackling it. The greatest difference between the two groups is in the social representation of conflict. Conflict is assimilated to war for non-activists, whereas activists represent it as more manageable and normal. The results support the idea of understanding peace activism as a particular form of coping - community coping - based on the group as a whole, rather than on individual capacity to manage problems. At a theoretical level, the article discusses the importance of linking social representations to practice and group identification. At a practical level, it suggests that support for pacifism will be only transient and superficial until these underlying differences in representations can be changed. (Original abstract)

The aim of this special issue is to collect and put into dialogue theoretical, methodological, critical, and applied contributions dealing with the variety of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) uses in community development. In this introduction to the special issue, we first provide the readers with a quick overview of the field, conducted by analyzing the lexicon of titles and abstracts published in the past few years in information and communication technology for development journals. We will then briefly elaborate on the concept of "users" as a pivotal dimension that can shed light on the complex interlinkages between technological artifacts and sociocultural factors involved in ICT usage. The focus on user, in fact, highlights some relevant issues concerning the relation between ICT, people and communities. Drawing on these premises, the papers collected in the special issue will then be briefly described. These contributions come from a variety of theoretical and methodological approaches, include the uptake of innovative technologies as well as top-down interventions, and focus on different regions of the world. The cross-fertilization and the range of disciplines included in this special issue result in a kaleidoscope in which different facets can be mixed, showing the individual, community, and societal aspects of community use of ICT for development.

Purpose
On the verge of what has been hailed as the next technological revolution, the purpose of this paper is to examine scientific and popular definitions of the social robot, reflecting on how expert and lay spheres of knowledge interact. Drawing on social representations theory, this paper aims to elucidate how social robots are named and classified, and to examine the dynamics contributing to their definition.


Design/methodology/approach
Scientific and popular definitions of the social robot were investigated by conducting: a systematic review of relevant articles published from 2009 to 2015 in the International Journal of Social Robotics; an analysis of the definitions retrievable from the scientific literature using Google Scholar; and an assessment of the interest in the public sphere, and of the popular definitions retrievable online (by inputting "social robot" in Google Trends, and in Google).


Findings
Scientific definitions of the social robot adopt two strategies, one drawing on and merging previous definitions, the other proposing new, visionary, forward-looking definitions. Popular online definitions of social robots attribute new emotional, linguistic and social capabilities to their physical body.


Research limitations/implications
The findings need to be confirmed by further research, given the limited size of the data sets considered, and the distortions in the data due to filters and the opacity of the online tools employed.


Originality/value
Both scientific and non-scientific definitions see social robots as being capable of interacting with and working for humans, but attribute them a different degree of (functional or full) autonomy. In future, any controversy over the connotation of social robots is likely to concern their sociality and autonomy rather than their functionality.

Abstract
The present paper aims to stress the role that young people play as 'actual citizens', actively engaged in constructing the meaning-and-actions that define their own participation in the community. The case examined is the Chiampo Valley, in the North-East of Italy. This area is the most important tannery district in Europe and has serious problems concerning industrial waste management. By means of a questionnaire, we focus on the way 229 secondary school students perceive themselves as members of the local community, on what they see as being priorities in their own context, and on the contributions that they may make to addressing environmental issues. The results suggest that it is important for local institutions to give a voice to young people-as they themselves require-by developing participatory processes in institutional decision-making regarding environmental policies and-in general-the life of the community.

Purpose
The paper aims to reflect on the function(s) served by the network of Argentine universities for environmental management and social inclusion (UAGAIS), including sharing information, empowering its members and fostering political action. To these functions, the authors add that networks play a prominent role in promoting culturally and locally meaningful representations of sustainability, and as rhetorical devices for positioning universities within the national, regional and international context.


Design/methodology/approach
Drawing upon a constructionist and cultural approach, two analyses were conducted: the first an analysis of the institutional webpages of selected UAGAIS universities; the second, a discursive analysis of five in-depth interviews conducted with UAGAIS representatives. Both analyses looked at local and cultural specificities of sustainability in higher education, perceptions of the sustainable development goals (SDGs) and the role of UAGAIS for individuals, universities and other social actors involved.


Findings
Results show how sustainability is used in institutional communication and in the interviews to frame the role of the university in the community. The network serves information and empowering functions, as the same time acting as an amplifier of the activities performed under the "Extensión" framework. Such a culturally situated approach to sustainability is used to engage different social actors and to stress commitment of universities with the environmental and social needs of local communities.


Originality/value
The results underline the role played by networks in transformative process. Anchored to the culturally rooted "Extensión" concept, the examined network serves as a place to advance the social commitment and the local understanding of sustainability. Moreover, it is rhetorically used to challenge the status quo and advocate for systemic change.