Suchergebnisse

Section Thématique 4Investiguer le bureau de vote. Réflexions épistémologiques et mutualisation des expériences de terrainsInvestigating the polling station. Epistemological Issues and Field Experiences Mutualisation ; International audience ; The study of the electoral mobilization in metropolitan France allows to demonstrate how the vote seems gradually signify an individual political opinion – free and reasoned. But the case study of colonial Algeria can allows a critical re-appraisal of the question « how did they became voters », because the electoral mobilization in the colony occurs later than in the metropolis, and it occurs in a colony of settlement – where the juridical statutes of individuals are defined by exemption with the republican universalism (French but no citizens for the Muslims, French and citizens for the Christians and the Jews).So, the study of the electoral mobilization (electoral rolls, participation, mobilization) considering certain polling stations of the city of Oran (located in a French department where there are several French citizens), during the third French republic, allows to know if the electoral mobilization depends on demographic variables (residence of Jews and Christians) and contextual variables (crisis with anti-Semitism). It's necessary to look if the electoral mobilization of the French citizens is built against Jews, and to investigate the sense of citizenship for the French in Algeria: did they became voters and citizens as Christians? ; L'analyse de la mobilisation électorale en France métropolitaine permet de montrer comment le vote, saisi comme une opération matérielle, tend a progressivement devenir l'expression d'une opinion politique individuelle, libre et éclairée. Or, le cas de l'Algérie coloniale permet de renouveler les questionnements sur le sens du vote, car non seulement la mobilisation électorale est plus tardive dans la colonie qu'en métropole, mais elle se produit dans une colonie de peuplement où les statuts juridiques des individus sont définis ...

Section Thématique 4Investiguer le bureau de vote. Réflexions épistémologiques et mutualisation des expériences de terrainsInvestigating the polling station. Epistemological Issues and Field Experiences Mutualisation ; International audience ; The study of the electoral mobilization in metropolitan France allows to demonstrate how the vote seems gradually signify an individual political opinion – free and reasoned. But the case study of colonial Algeria can allows a critical re-appraisal of the question « how did they became voters », because the electoral mobilization in the colony occurs later than in the metropolis, and it occurs in a colony of settlement – where the juridical statutes of individuals are defined by exemption with the republican universalism (French but no citizens for the Muslims, French and citizens for the Christians and the Jews).So, the study of the electoral mobilization (electoral rolls, participation, mobilization) considering certain polling stations of the city of Oran (located in a French department where there are several French citizens), during the third French republic, allows to know if the electoral mobilization depends on demographic variables (residence of Jews and Christians) and contextual variables (crisis with anti-Semitism). It's necessary to look if the electoral mobilization of the French citizens is built against Jews, and to investigate the sense of citizenship for the French in Algeria: did they became voters and citizens as Christians? ; L'analyse de la mobilisation électorale en France métropolitaine permet de montrer comment le vote, saisi comme une opération matérielle, tend a progressivement devenir l'expression d'une opinion politique individuelle, libre et éclairée. Or, le cas de l'Algérie coloniale permet de renouveler les questionnements sur le sens du vote, car non seulement la mobilisation électorale est plus tardive dans la colonie qu'en métropole, mais elle se produit dans une colonie de peuplement où les statuts juridiques des individus sont définis ...

This article analyzes the motivations for the National Front vote among the "Pieds-noirs". Whereas the statistical data show that a "pied-noir vote" does not exist, as such, a part of this population uses the National Front label and confesses to a sharp hostility towards tlgerian immigration. However an analysis based on unguided discussions, and inspired by analytic induction, taking into account only the common elements of the "Pieds-noirs" electorate of the National Front, allows us to give meaning to this vote: it is explained particularly by the association between immigrants and "fellagas" and fits with the "historical traumatism" pattern. Adapted from the source document.

By simultaneously examining 'literatures of exile' and material collected in interviews, it can be shown that the return to Algeria does not concern all pieds-noirs in the same way. Indeed, their sociological profiles -- like their positions in the space of receptions of colonial history -- are very diverse. The act of returning can be considered a form of 'roots tourism' only when the work of mourning has been carried out independently of heroic accounts in which Algeria is identified as a French creation. Conversely, the skepticism of some pieds-noirs underscores the insurmountable incongruity (in the framework of an affective economy) between an Algeria that has been reconstructed a posteriori and the reality of a transformed country. With their remoteness from family tombs remaining one cause of the suffering of the pieds-noirs, the voyage can also be motivated by the project of collectively caring for the land of the dead. Thus the diversity of the meaning and uses of return, a phenomenon that spans the fugitive experience of re-socialization within a lost Algeria, the transmission of genealogical memory, the shared upkeep of family tombs and the shock of deracination tied to the search for the lost Algeria of an earlier generation. Adapted from the source document.

The reconstruction of a Pied‐noir identity reflects the transformations experienced in a recent group made up of very dissimilar individuals: there is no Pied‐noir vote, identity, or memory. But there are identity strategies that seek to transform a set of heterogeneous persons into a homogenous group through the intervention of tradition; strategies that are, moreover, disputed, particularly by those Pieds‐noirs who do not consider themselves to be represented by the repatriating organisations. Furthermore, identity traumas affect some individuals considered to be Pieds‐noirs but who, faced with the sequels of a tragic Algerian war, identify Algerian immigration with the return of the former rebels – the fellagas – to what they used to call metropolitan France.

This article examines the various aspects of the processes of politization of the stakes related to the repatriates of Algeria, since 1962. Defined in terms of passage of the social activities or collective objects in the political field, politization belongs to the processes whose repatriations are the object, & who fall under the duration. In the case of the repatriates of Algeria, indeed, politization occurs initially "by the top," via a perception of the national interest by controlling, in a context where it is a question of maintaining the harmony; then "by bottom," in a situation marked by the wars of Algerian memories, where several groups of individuals request political power an arbitration in favor of their identity claims and/or their interests, through various repertories of political action. Adapted from the source document.

Résumé Cet article examine les différents aspects des processus de politisation des enjeux liés aux rapatriés d'Algérie, depuis 1962. Définie en termes de passage des activités sociales ou d'objets collectifs dans le champ politique, la politisation appartient aux processus dont les rapatriements font l'objet, et qui s'inscrivent dans la durée. Dans le cas des rapatriés d'Algérie, en effet, la politisation se produit d'abord « par le haut », via une perception de l'intérêt national par les gouvernants, dans un contexte où il s'agit de maintenir la concorde ; ensuite « pas le bas », dans une conjoncture marquée par les guerres de mémoires algériennes, où plusieurs groupes d'individus sollicitent du pouvoir politique un arbitrage en faveur de leurs revendications identitaires et/ou de leurs intérêts, à travers différents répertoires d'action politique.