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Can a stable political order be established in Liberia in the aftermath of the collapse of governance and a horrendous period of pillage and carnage? Amos Sawyer argues that the task can indeed be accomplished—but only in the context of new constitutional arrangements and governing institutions that differ markedly from those of the past. Sawyer draws deeply on his experience as head of state as he explores new ways of establishing constitutional foundations for democratic governance. Though he focuses on Liberia (and to some extent Sierra Leone and Guinea), his work speaks profoundly to the many other parts of Africa where the governing systems established at independence have broken down with often tragic consequences

The Mano River basin area has become a conflict zone, in which state failure and violence in Liberia has spread to Sierra Leone and the forest region of Guinea. This article traces the origins of the conflicts to governance failures in all three states, and analyses their incorporation into a single conflict system, orchestrated especially through the entrepreneurial abilities and ambitions of Charles Taylor. Peace settlements negotiated to end the violence in Liberia and Sierra Leone failed, both because of the misconceived power-sharing formula that they embodied, and because they failed to take account of the complex linkages between conflicts across the basin area. The way forward lies in a multilevel basin-wide approach, which seeks to move beyond the failed formula of attempting to reconstitute state power, in favour of constructing institutions of accountable democratic governance at multiple levels from the local level to the regional level and beyond.

Mayson and Sawyer trace the development of peripheral capitalism in Liberia, drawing out the totally dependent nature of its export economy dominated by international corporations, the deteriorating economic position of the workers and peasants, and the growing power of the different fractions of the ruling class. They go on to trace the growth of the working class and its increasing militancy since 1961, the legislative response to this in the form of anti‐strike legislation and the consequent worsening of workers' conditions and standards of living. As a consequence of the collaborationist character of the trades union leadership, rank and file workers have assumed responsibilities of leadership and organized strikes despite the collusion of trades union leaders with the police.