Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Prologue: Get Born -- 1. Exploding Tomorrow -- 2. Untamed Youth -- 3. Altered States -- 4. Making Movies -- 5. The Aftermath -- 6. The New People -- 7. Video Vortex -- 8. Do It Again -- Epilogue: Look Back -- Afterword: Fans -- References -- Screenography -- Photo Acknowledgements -- Index.
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This article examines the temporal dimension of waste in Henry Mayhew's London Labour and the London Poor as an instance of how modernity has produced a largely hidden domain of the non-identical and indeterminate. Through a consideration of the phenomena of uselessness, decay and poverty I argue that the temporal dimension of waste is constituted as a corrosive or malign `Deadly Time'. In placing such emphasis on time directed towards death, I aim to show that Mayhew's undisciplined researches can be seen as a valuable source for understanding why modern thinking struggles to come to terms with waste.
In cities the world over, we are able to determine stability in daily existence, to identify with our social spaces, because modes of transport have become essential components of subjective autonomy. But would it not be just as accurate to say that in transit, modern life puts the self in abeyance? The author argues that the ways we allow ourselves to be moved around in "traffic space" create a passivity that renders almost invisible the complex mechanics of movement, which we become alert to only at the moment of breakdown, precisely when they become a threat to autonomy. Our trafficking has an almost narcotic effect, rendering us immobile against the continual movements that constitute urban life, one that also magnifies out of all proportion the accidents or aberrations that sometimes disturb our traffic space, making it seem as if we may easily descend into an uncontrollable chaos.
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 103, Heft 3, S. 565-566
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 97, Heft 4, S. 688-689
Haitians have been migrating to the United States in significant numbers since the rise to power of Francois Duvalier over a quarter century ago. A few who have been able to meet the strict eligibility criteria of U. S. immigration law have entered as legal immigrants. Perhaps as many as 300,000 others have entered illegally, or have overstayed the terms of their temporary visas. A diverse population composed of professionals and businessmen, students and shopkeepers, journalists, small land holders, and illiterate peasants, it is impossible to capture their individual reasons for leaving Haiti and coming to the United States in a single all-inclusive phrase.Haiti is the poorest country in this hemisphere. Nearly all who leave to come to the United States are aware that they are trading malnutrition, negligible educational opportunities, and a subsistence standard of living for the greater opportunities afforded by life in America.
Migration from Cuba to the United States since Castro assumed power, and the characterization of those leaving as refugees, have been strongly affected by U.S. foreign policy concerns. During the 1959-62 migration wave, particularly prior to the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion, Cubans were welcomed as temporary exiles, likely to topple Castro and return home. The second major migration wave began in 1965, in the midst of a U.S. campaign for systematically isolating and economically depriving Cuba and its citizens. When thousands of those citizens left Cuba, primarily to improve their economic circumstances and rejoin family members, they were welcomed as refugees because of the symbolic value of their rejection of Latin America's only communist state. The third migration wave occurred in 1980, after a decade of detente and gradually improving U.S.-Cuban relations. It served no clear U.S. foreign policy ends and was perceived as helping Cuba rid itself of undesirables. Consequently those arriving received little public support.
CONTROL OF APPLICANTS FOR MASS ASYLUM WILL CONTINUE TO POSE DIFFICULT POLITICAL AND MORAL CHOICES FOR THE U.S. THESE DIFFICULT CHOICES ARE NOT GOING TO DISAPPEAR SOON, BUT THEY CAN BE ALLEVIATED SOMEWHAT IF THE NATION PURSUES A VIGOROUS FOREIGN POLICY DESIGNED TO MINIMIZE PERSECUTION ABOARD, PARTICULARLY IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE. THEY PRIMARY FOCUS MUST BE ON THE REDUCTION OF REFUGEE FLOW BY ELIMINATING WELL ROUNDED FEAR.