Review text: "Alle an der Geschichte des ökonomischen Denkens und des George-Kreises interessierten Leser können dem Buch Schönhärls eine Fülle aufschlußreicher Informationen entnehmen." Till Kinzel in: Informationsmittel (IFB), 19 (2011), 1 (http://ifb.bsz-bw.de/bsz308637577rez-1.pdf?id=3795) "Korinna Schönhärls 'Wissen und Visionen' hat Züge eines Meisterwerkes." Michael Maurer in: H-Soz-u-Kult, 01. Februar 2010
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In: Journal of European integration history: Revue d'histoire de l'intégration européenne = Zeitschrift für Geschichte der europäischen Integration, Band 28, Heft 1, S. 147-166
On 5 July 2015, the Greek voters were presented with a referendum on the austeri‐ ty policy that the European institutions demanded Greece should implement. Over 60% answered "No", a vote that, however, the Greek government of then Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras did not act according to this outcome. The paper argues that the memorandum nonetheless revealed a consensus among the Greeks that their country should remain a member of the eurozone and the European Union. It therefore contributed to a resigned conciliation of contrary societal forces under catastrophic economic conditions. The paper develops this hypothesis by analysing the political and economic circumstances of the referendum and the national re‐ membrance culture which was activated during the referendum's campaign. In ad‐ dition, possible motives that led to Tsipras' government proclaiming the referen‐ dum are discussed, especially in the field of party politics. The question of consti‐ tutionality is also discussed, as is the renewed victory of SYRIZA in the parliamen‐ tary elections in September 2015.
Abstract From the 1880s scientists developed methods to measure (dishonest) tax payment behaviour. The first part of this article provides an overview of these methods and their development. The second part enquires into the function of measuring methods in the societal discourse about (honest) tax payments. The tax morale research of Günter Schmölders, carried out in the 1950s and 1960s, is then examined as a case study. The focus of interest is on the political advice that Schmölders gave, as based on his empirical results, and on the ideal image of the citizen and society which underlay the scientific method.
Die Klage über mangelnde Steuermoral ist in der aktuellen Medienberichterstattung omnipräsent, aber sie ist nicht neu: Bereits kurz nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg wurde bemängelt, die Deutschen in den westlichen Besatzungszonen hinterzögen ihre Steuern. Verfiel die westdeutsche Steuermoral schon damals? Wie veränderte sie sich im Zeitraum zwischen 1945 und 1953? Nach einem kurzen Überblick über die Geschichte der interdisziplinären Steuermoralforschung und einigen methodischen Überlegungen, wie Historiker*innen die Entwicklung der Steuermoral qualitativ untersuchen können, wird im vorliegenden Aufsatz der Diskurs um das Steuerzahlen in der Nachkriegszeit analysiert. Durch die Analyse von Zeitungsberichten und Parlamentsdebatten werden drei unterschiedliche, konkurrierende Narrative identifiziert, die geeignet waren, ganz verschiedene »policy windows« zu öffnen. Die historische Untersuchung zeigt, dass Narrative über das (ehrliche) Steuerzahlen immer mit bestimmten politischen Interessen verknüpft sind - und dass sie deshalb auch im aktuellen Diskurs über das (ehrliche) Steuerzahlen sorgfältig analysiert werden sollten.
In June 2017, in the negotiations between Greece, the European Union and its Member States, the European Central Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, it was decided that the highly-indebted country in Europe's southern periphery should receive an additional disbursement of 8.5 billion euros from the 2015 aid package. The negotiations are another chapter in the endless disputes that have kept Europe in suspense since it first became apparent during the 2009 global economic crisis that Greece would no longer be able to service its foreign debt. One historical reference that the media repeatedly reported in this connection was the work of the International Finance Commission for Greece, which was established five years after Greek's bankruptcy in 1893 to ensure that Greece serviced its international debt. If one compares the Commission's work from 1898 with that of the troika in 2009, a number of parallels stand out: the actual or barely prevented sovereign default as the starting situation; the failure of all Greek attempts to get a handle on the situation without outside help, as well as the establishment of the commissions under extreme political pressure. There are also parallels with respect to the governance of the institutions: they were composed of politicians who protected the interests of private creditors and who could not always agree on a common strategy, as well as the restriction of Greek financial autonomy by foreigners. Most of the differences disappear however: The completely different global economic relationships at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 21st century, the different natures of the Latin Monetary Union and the Eurozone, the large number of international and national political participants in the organizations with an equally broad range of different objectives, the different ways of working, and finally, the differences in the application of the conditionality principle.
The global economic crisis in the 1890s affected the economy of Greece severely, and in 1893 the Greek State had to stop servicing its foreign debt. Part of the problem was the lack of diversity of Greek agricultural production, which was focused on raisins and currants (especially flavourful raisins, grown exclusively in the area around Corinth) for export. The collapse of market prices for this good seriously affected the Greek treasury and society in the growing regions. The Greek government responded by trying to withhold part of the harvest in fertile years to stabilise world market prices. Plans to organise a monopoly company for the currant trade necessitated high sums of capital from abroad. This article investigates the question of how foreign bankers in London (Hambro & Son, Emile Erlanger) and Paris (Banque de l'Union Parisienne) could be convinced to participate in the project. Which factors allowed foreign bankers to trust in the Greek national economy despite its poor reputation? What factors influenced their risk management? The focus is on the role of Greek brokers in persuading the foreigners to invest in Greece, especially the role played by Ioannis Pesmazoglou, the director of the young and innovative Bank of Athens.
The global economic crisis in the 1890s affected the economy of Greece severely, and in 1893 the Greek State had to stop servicing its foreign debt. Part of theproblem was the lack of diversity of Greek agricultural production, which was focused on raisins and currants (especially flavourful raisins, grown exclusively in the area around Corinth) for export. The collapse of market prices for this good seriously affected the Greek treasury and society in the growing regions. The Greek government responded by trying to withhold part of the harvest in fertile years to stabilise world market prices. Plans to organise a monopoly company for the currant trade necessitated high sums of capital from abroad. This article investigates the question of how foreign bankers in London (Hambro & Son, Emile Erlanger) and Paris (Banque de l'Union Parisienne) could be convinced to participate in the project. Which factors allowed foreign bankers to trust in the Greek national economy despite its poor reputation? What factors influenced their risk management? The focus is on the role of Greek brokers in persuading the foreigners to invest in Greece, especially the role played by Ioannis Pesmazoglou, the director of the young and innovative Bank of Athens.
Verlagsinfo: Der symbolistische Dichter Stefan George sammelte nach der Jahrhundertwende einen Kreis von Dichtern und Intellektuellen um sich, mit denen er arbeitete und lebte, und die er in ihrer wissenschaftlichen Tätigkeit unterstützte. Es überrascht zunächst, dass neben Literaturwissenschaftlern wie Friedrich Gundolf und Historikern wie Ernst Kantorowicz auch einige Wirtschaftswissenschaftler zu diesem "Staat" gehörten. Denn George, der alle Lebensbereiche dem der Kunst untergeordnet sehen wollte, stand dem modernen Kapitalismus sehr kritisch gegenüber und interessierte sich nicht für ökonomische Fragen. Warum übte der Dichter auf die Ökonomen dennoch eine so große Faszination aus, und wieso empfanden sie das Zusammensein mit ihm als Bereicherung für ihre wissenschaftliche Tätigkeit? Edgar Salin, Julius Landmann, Arthur Salz und Kurt Singer vertraten in praktischen wirtschaftspolitischen Fragen sehr unterschiedliche Standpunkte: hier reichte das Spektrum von gemeinwirtschaftlichen bis hin zu liberalen Positionen. In methodologischer Hinsicht dagegen profitierten sie alle von den gestalttheoretischen Ansätzen des George-Kreises, wie sie z.B. Edith Landmann ausarbeitete. Salin etwa entwickelte auf dieser Basis seine "Anschauliche Theorie" für die Volkswirtschaftslehre, die in einer Phase der methodologischen Verunsicherung des Faches nach dem Ende der Historischen Schule Orientierung bieten sollte.