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In: Key concepts
In: Key Concepts Ser.
Cover -- Series page -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Why civil disobedience? -- Which civil disobedience? -- Whither civil disobedience? -- 1: Divine Witness -- Civil disobedience and satyagraha -- Principled lawbreaking -- Gandhi goes to America -- Getting right with God – or your fellow citizens? -- 2: Liberalism and its Limits -- Civil disobedience vs. conscientious objection -- Recasting the die -- Disobedience and the rule of law -- Beyond liberalism? -- 3: Deepening Democracy -- Zinn's challenge -- Civil disobedience, law, and the revolutionary spirit -- Civil disobedience: between legality and democratic legitimacy -- Beyond the state? -- 4: Anarchist Uprising -- Political anarchism and direct action -- Philosophical anarchism: Back to Locke and Thoreau? -- Surviving anarchism -- 5: Postnationalization and Privatization -- Revisiting Rawls -- Postnationalization and privatization -- Novel threats to Rawlsian civil disobedience -- What remains? Rawlsian civil disobedience today -- 6: Digitalization -- Digital disobedience, surveillance, and the rule of law -- Digital lawbreaking as civil disobedience? -- Beyond civil disobedience? -- 7: Tilting at Windmills? -- The ghost of John Rawls -- Anti-legalism -- Practical ramifications -- Conclusion -- Civil disobedience now -- Civil disobedience for authoritarians and racists? -- Notes -- Introduction -- 1. Divine Witness -- 2. Liberalism and Its Limits -- 3. Deepening Democracy -- 4. Anarchist Uprising -- 5. Postnationalization and Privatization -- 6. Digitalization -- 7. Tilting at Windmills? -- Conclusion -- References -- Index -- EULA
In: Key Contemporary Thinkers
The ideas of Hans Morgenthau dominated the study of international politics in the United States for many decades. He was the leading representative of Realist international relations theory in the last century and his work remains hugely influential in the field. In this engaging and accessible new study of his work, William E. Scheuerman provides a comprehensive and illuminating introduction to Morgenthau's ideas, and assesses their significance for political theory and international politics.Scheuerman shows Morgenthau to be an uneasy Realist, uncomfortable with conventional notions of Realism and sometimes unsure whether his reflections should be grouped under its rubric. He was a powerful critic of the existing state system and defended the idea of a world state. By highlighting Morgenthau's engagement with the leading lights of European political and legal theory, Scheuerman argues that he developed a morally demanding political ethics and an astute diagnosis of the unprecedented perils posed by nuclear weaponry. Believing that the irrationalities of US foreign policy were rooted partly in domestic factors, he sympathized with demands for radical political and social change. Scheuerman illustrates that Morgenthau's thinking has been widely misunderstood by both disciples and critics and that it offers many challenges to contemporary Realists who discount his normative aspirations. With the advent of the cosmopolitan goal of international reform, Morgenthau's work serves up an unsettling mix of sympathy and hard-headed skepticism which remains crucially important in the development of the field. Lucidly and persuasively written, this book will be a valuable resource for students and scholars seeking to understand the continued importance of Morgenthau's thinking.
In: Routledge studies in social and political thought 55
Does a hard-headed Realist approach to international politics necessarily involve skepticism towards progressive foreign policy initiatives and global reform? Should proponents of Realism always be seen as morally complacent and politically combative? In this major reconsideration of the main figures of international political theory, Bill Scheuerman challenges conventional wisdom to reveal a neglected tradition of Progressive Realism with much to contribute to contemporary debates about international policy-making and world government. Far from seeing international reform as well-meaning but potentially irresponsible , Progressive Realists like E. H. Carr, John Herz, Hans J. Morgenthau, and Reinhold Niebuhr developed forward-looking ideas which offer an indispensable corrective to many presently influential views about global politics. Progressive Realism, Scheuerman argues, offers a compelling and provocative vision of radical global change which -- when properly interpreted, can help buttress current efforts to address the most pressing international issues. After recovering key subterranean strands in mid-twentieth century Realism, Scheuerman underscores their relevance to contemporary international theory. Criticizing more recent Realists for abandoning their tradition's best insights, he also demonstrates that reform-minded international theories --including versions of Cosmopolitanism, Constructivism, the English School, Liberalism, and Republicanism - could all benefit from taking Progressive Realism seriously. A major contribution both to the history of international relations and contemporary debates in international theory, The Realist Case for Global Reform concludes by considering how Progressive Realism informs the foreign policies of US President Barack Obama.
Does a hard-headed Realist approach to international politics necessarily involve skepticism towards progressive foreign policy initiatives and global reform? Should proponents of Realism always be seen as morally complacent and politically combative? In this major reconsideration of the main figures of international political theory, Bill Scheuerman challenges conventional wisdom to reveal a neglected tradition of Progressive Realism with much to contribute to contemporary debates about international policy-making and world government. Far from seeing international reform as well-meaning but potentially irresponsible, Progressive Realists like E.H. Carr, John Herz, Hans J. Morgenthau, and Reinhold Niebuhr developed forward-looking ideas which offer an indispensable corrective to many presently influential views about global politics. Progressive Realism, Scheuerman argues, offers a compelling and provocative vision of radical global change which, when properly interpreted, can help buttress current efforts to address the most pressing international issues. After recovering key subterranean strands in mid-twentieth century Realism, Scheuerman underscores their relevance to contemporary international theory. Criticizing more recent Realists for abandoning their tradition's best insights, he also demonstrates that reform-minded international theories ù including versions of Cosmopolitanism, Constructivism, the English School, Liberalism, and Republicanism ù could all benefit from taking Progressive Realism seriously. --Book Jacket.
In: Key contemporary thinkers
The ideas of Hans Morgenthau dominated the study of international politics in the United States for many decades. He was the leading representative of Realist international relations theory in the last century and his work remains hugely influential in the field. In this book, the author provides a comprehensive and illuminating introduction to Morgenthau's ideas, and assesses their significance for political theory and international politics. The author shows Morgenthau to be an uneasy Realist, uncomfortable with conventional notions of Realism and sometimes unsure whether his reflections should be grouped under its rubric. He was a powerful critic of the existing state system and defended the idea of a world state. By highlighting Morgenthau's engagement with the leading lights of European political and legal theory, the author argues that he developed a morally demanding political ethics and an astute diagnosis of the unprecedented perils posed by nuclear weaponry. Believing that the irrationalities of US foreign policy were rooted partly in domestic factors, he sympathized with demands for radical political and social change. The author illustrates that Morgenthau's thinking has been widely misunderstood by both disciples and critics and that it offers many challenges to contemporary Realists who discount his normative aspirations. With the advent of the cosmopolitan goal of international reform, Morgenthau's work serves up an unsettling mix of sympathy and hard-headed skepticism which remains crucially important in the development of the field. Lucidly and persuasively written, this book will be a valuable resource for students and scholars seeking to understand the continued importance of Morgenthau's thinking.
In: Studies in contemporary German social thought
In: Zeitschrift für politische Theorie, Band 14, Heft 2-2023, S. 295-313
ISSN: 2196-2103
This essay revisits my earlier 1999 critique (Between Radicalism and Resignation: Democratic Theory in Habermas' ,Between Facts and Norms') of Habermas' most important contribution to political and legal theory. Some of my criticisms stemmed from a failure to address the book's complicated attempt to navigate between ,facts' and ,norms', and thus Habermas' vision of ,rational reconstruction'. Nonetheless, I argue that key elements of that original criticism not only remain pertinent, but that they can help us understand lacunae within Habermas' more recent contributions to a critical theory of politics. First, my worries about Habermas' apparent marginalization of systematic Kapitalismuskritik have been corroborated by his more recent writings. Second, there is no question that Habermas borrowed heavily from the democratic theory developed by Bernhard Peters, an important interlocutor for Habermas in the Frankfurt legal theory study group he coordinated during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Habermas' debts to Peters have continued to shape his thinking. While they have helped Habermas pursue some productive analytic paths, others, unfortunately, have consequently been neglected.
In: The review of politics, S. 1-25
ISSN: 1748-6858
Abstract
Liberal views of civil disobedience that emerged in the 1960s and '70s can only be properly interpreted with recourse to the complicated history of the early civil rights movement's selective appropriation of the labor sit-downs of the 1930s. This essay addresses the messy but basically successful effort by civil rights sit-inners and the lawyers who defended them to circumvent the repressive state and legal response—especially the US Supreme Court ruling in National Labor Relations Board v. Fansteel Metallurgical Corporation (1939)—that the 1930s sit-downers garnered. My reexamination of the sit-ins places influential liberal ideas about civil disobedience in a fresh light. In his influential theory of civil disobedience, John Rawls mirrored key features of the politically and legally savvy strategy of delinking the lunch counter sit-ins from the workplace sit-downs. The result was a somewhat restrictive view of civil disobedience that sidelined matters of economic justice.
In: Constellations: an international journal of critical and democratic theory, Band 30, Heft 4, S. 410-413
ISSN: 1467-8675
In: Constellations: an international journal of critical and democratic theory, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 42-47
ISSN: 1467-8675
In: Populism, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 1-20
ISSN: 2588-8072
Abstract
Authoritarian populism poses major challenges to democracy. Yet relatively little systematic political-theoretical or philosophical analysis has focused on how best to oppose or resist it. The present essay focuses on three possible approaches now being tentatively discussed. Some writers emphasize the possible virtues of civil disobedience, others are advocating a related yet broader strategy of civil resistance, and yet others abandon both "civil" approaches in favor of uncivil disobedience. Despite their many strengths, each approach suffers from weaknesses, in part because each responds incompletely to the challenges of authoritarian populism and its use of increasingly commonplace modes of "smart" repression. With ominous implications for those worried about democracy's fate, populists are embracing coercive techniques designed to squelch dissent without generating public sympathy or a popular backlash.