Suchergebnisse

Immer mehr Regionen pflegen seit den letzten Jahrzehnten internationale Beziehungen und können großen Einfluss auf politische Entscheidungen haben - national und supranational. So konnte beispielsweise die belgische Region Wallonien 2016 die Unterzeichnung des Freihandelsabkommens CETA zwischen der Europäischen Union und Kanada hinauszögern. Das Bruttoinlandsprodukt von Regionen ist oft höher als das eines Staates insgesamt und übersteigt in manchen Fällen sogar jenes einiger G20-Staaten. Dennoch wurde die Paradiplomatie, die Diplomatie zwischen Regionen, in der wissenschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung im Feld der internationalen Beziehungen bisher wenig thematisiert. Schiavon richtet in seinem Buch den Blick auf Ursachen der steigenden internationalen Aktivitäten auf regionaler Ebene und Auswirkungen der Paradiplomatie auf Regionen und stellt diese in den Kontext der nationalen Außenpolitik. Auf welche Art und auf welchen Ebenen findet Paradiplomatie statt und warum gibt es gravierende Unterschiede zwischen Regionen weltweit? Um paradiplomatische Aktivitäten zu untersuchen, greift Schiavon Fallbeispiele von Regionen auf der ganzen Welt auf. Diese unterscheiden sich stark in ihrer wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung und dem Demokratisierungsgrad. Ein besonderes Augenmerk legt er dabei auf Mexiko, wo die subnationale Diplomatie schleppender als in anderen konsolidierten Demokratien fortschreitet. (ifa)

Este artículo responde la pregunta: ¿cómo se debe estudiar el fenómeno migratorio en el sistema Meso-Norteamericano? Esta pregunta se responde proponiendo cinco estrategias que permiten entender y analizar la migración de manera integral, a saber: 1) desagregar el análisis en los cinco componentes internacionales que lo integran (emigración, inmigración, tránsito, retorno y refugio 2) examinarlo regionalmente como un sistema migratorio; 3) estudiarlo multi-causalmente, organizando las variables en dos categorías ("push" y "pull") y, posteriormente, desagregándolas en tipos de variables causales (políticas, económicas, de seguridad, medio ambiente, sociales, entre otras); 4) analizarlo racionalmente como un fenómeno y no como un problema; y, 5) evaluarlo identificando si se siguen las "5-Cs" de las buenas políticas migratorias (coherencia, consistencia, corresponsabilidad, coordinación y cooperación).

El objetivo central de este dossier es analizar el fenómeno migratorio en el sistema Meso-Norteamericano de manera integral e interdisciplinar. Este sistema incluye a Canadá, Estados Unidos y México (en América del Norte), Belice, El Salvador, Guatemala y Honduras (en América Central), y Cuba, Haití, Puerto Rico, República Dominicana y Jamaica (en el Caribe). Para ello, se convocó a algunos de los mayores expertos académicos en la región sobre el tema, quienes estudian integralmente la migración en este sistema, con énfasis en México como espacio central donde ocurren los cinco componentes de la migración, a saber, emigración, inmigración, tránsito, retorno y refugio.

This article analyzes the international negotiations of sub-State governments (inssg) in Mexico. It addresses five questions: 1) What factors explain the increasing number ofinssgs? 2) What is the impact of federalism oninssg? 3) What are the levels ofinssgand how have they changed over the years? 4) How do Mexican sub-State governments (ssg) institutionalize their international negotiations? 5) What are the perceptions and capacities of thessgin their internationalization process? The study explains the growth ofinssgdue to democratization, arguing that renewed Mexican federalism has generated incentives forssgs to participate more intensively in international negotiations. It analyzes the wide variation in theinssgand explains how it has evolved over the last decade. It focuses on the analysis of Inter-Institutional Agreements (iia) and explains the perceptions and capacities of Mexicanssgto conduct international negotiations.

This paper analyzes the preferences of Mexicans in regards to international affairs during the Felipe Calderon administration, on the basis of the survey 'Mexico, the Americas and the World'. It answers three questions: is it possible to identify patterns of continuity or change in public opinion in Mexico on international relations issues during the Calderon government? To what extent do global events affect the population's preferences on foreign issues? Do events within Mexico have any observable impact on the domestic outlook on international affairs? It examines the views of Mexicans in 12 areas of international scope: interest, knowledge, identity, activism, threats, foreign policy objectives, instruments, regional priorities, security, trade and finances, multilateralism and migration. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyses the international relations of Mexican sub-state governments. It aims to answer four questions: 1) What explains the recent and dramatic increase in their international activities?; 2) Do these federal units have an independent foreign policy?; 3) What are their levels or degrees of sub-state diplomacy?; and 4) Which variables explain the variation in their degree of sub-state diplomacy? The first section argues that the growth in international activities is generated by the combination of two sets of variables: a) the growing interdependence and globalization of the international system; and b) the democratization, decentralization and structural reform processes in the domestic arena. The second section sustains that Mexican sub-national units do not have a foreign policy of their own. The third section shows that there is a wide variation in the states' degree of international participation. In order to characterize this variation, a typology is constructed and the 32 Mexican federal units are classified in two moments in time (2004 and 2009) and a comparative analysis between these two periods is presented. The fourth section argues that the degree of sub-state diplomacy depends on three variables: economic (gross state product); political (juxtaposed government); and geographic (border location). Each of these variables is tested to determine its impact, providing evidence to sustain the relevance of the economic variable, arguing that juxtaposed government functions as a trigger variable for initiating or increasing external activities, and that the border is a necessary, but not sufficient, variable to explain the degree of international projection.

This article analyses the international relations of Mexican sub-state governments. It aims to answer four questions: 1) What explains the recent and dramatic increase in their international activities?; 2) Do these federal units have an independent foreign policy?; 3) What are their levels or degrees of sub-state diplomacy?; and 4) Which variables explain the variation in their degree of sub-state diplomacy? The first section argues that the growth in international activities is generated by the combination of two sets of variables: a) the growing interdependence and globalization of the international system; and b) the democratization, decentralization and structural reform processes in the domestic arena. The second section sustains that Mexican sub-national units do not have a foreign policy of their own. The third section shows that there is a wide variation in the states' degree of international participation. In order to characterize this variation, a typology is constructed and the 32 Mexican federal units are classified in two moments in time (2004 and 2009) and a comparative analysis between these two periods is presented. The fourth section argues that the degree of sub-state diplomacy depends on three variables: economic (gross state product); political (juxtaposed government); and geographic (border location). Each of these variables is tested to determine its impact, providing evidence to sustain the relevance of the economic variable, arguing that juxtaposed government functions as a trigger variable for initiating or increasing external activities, and that the border is a necessary, but not sufficient, variable to explain the degree of international projection. Adapted from the source document.