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As an answer to Alex Demirovic's contribution this article argues that politics should rather be conceived as a social logic, an alienated form of rationality, which is necessarily bound to the overwhelming, historical dynamic of capitalism. This point also generates important implications for an analysis of the possibilities and constraints of a progressive practice, since it exceeds the traditional critique of class domination. Although there are (of course) crucial differences between different forms of the institutionalization of state power, and they do depend upon the balance of power in a society to a certain degree, even the most progressive form of political regulation is limited by the structural constraints of capitalist accumulation. Hence, the Left should search for alternative institutional forms and aim for a decomposition of the state rather than focusing too much on questions of an intrinsic political reform of capitalism.

Der Verfasser skizziert zunächst die hegemonietheoretische Kritik des Neoliberalismus. Diese Kritik wird exemplarisch anhand ihrer Auseinandersetzung mit der neoliberalen Workfare-Politik vorgestellt. Im zweiten Schritt werden dann einige der gesellschaftstheoretischen Schwachstellen dieser Ideologiekritik "erster Ordnung" benannt, um in einem dritten Schritt zu einigen der Grundannahmen der Neuen Marx-Lektüre und ihrer alternativen, materialistischen Konzeption der Geschichtlichkeit des Kapitalismus zu kommen. Im vierten Schritt wird diese erweiterte Ideologiekritik anhand einer rudimentären Analyse der historischen Implementierung von Workfare-Politiken plausibilisiert. (ICE2)

As an answer to Alex Demirovic's contribution this article argues that politics should rather be conceived as a social logic, an alienated form of rationality, which is necessarily bound to the overwhelming, historical dynamic of capitalism. This point also generates important implications for an analysis of the possibilities and constraints of a progressive practice, since it exceeds the traditional critique of class domination. Although there are (of course) crucial differences between different forms of the institutionalization of state power, and they do depend upon the balance of power in a society to a certain degree, even the most progressive form of political regulation is limited by the structural constraints of capitalist accumulation. Hence, the Left should search for alternative institutional forms and aim for a decomposition of the state rather than focusing too much on questions of an intrinsic political reform of capitalism. Adapted from the source document.

According to most of the present exponents of a critical theory of the state, the recent transformations in statehood have to be analyzed as results of social struggle und political strategies. But most of them lack a social theory of the specific historical character of heteronomy and the relationship between structure and agency in capitalism. Therefore they tend to overestimate the degree of social contingency and the possibilities for an intrinsic reform of capitalism. The article tries to outline an alternative, but nevertheless non-functionalist, model of the specific logic of the transformations in statehood which is linked to a concept of the historical core dynamic of capitalism in general. In this way the article aims to contribute to an understanding of the vast historical changes from liberal, to Fordist, and then to neo-liberal modes of capitalism by offering a theoretical perspective to analyze the dynamic character of the capitalist reproduction of modern society.

According to most of the present exponents of a critical theory of the state, the recent transformations in statehood have to be analyzed as results of social struggle und political strategies. But most of them lack a social theory of the specific historical character of heteronomy & the relationship between structure & agency in capitalism. Therefore they tend to overestimate the degree of social contingency & the possibilities for an intrinsic reform of capitalism. The article tries to outline an alternative, but nevertheless non-functionalist, model of the specific logic of the transformations in statehood which is linked to a concept of the historical core dynamic of capitalism in general. In this way the article aims to contribute to an understanding of the vast historical changes from liberal, to Fordist, & then to neo-liberal modes of capitalism by offering a theoretical perspective to analyze the dynamic character of the capitalist reproduction of modern society. Adapted from the source document.

In the Euro crisis, there is a significant shift in state-society relations and representative democracy: The European ensemble of state apparatuses 'hardens' due to authoritarian austerity measures and becomes less responsive to interests and conflicts within society. At the same time, social conflicts intensify especially in the European periphery as the precariousness of everyday life increases (e.g. evictions, unemployment, and poverty). The article argues that critical European integration research has been unable to develop strategic responses to this situation, because it neglects resistance as well as strategic and structural selectivities of state apparatuses. It in consequence develops a conservative stance: to defend 'really existing' democracy. Taking the Spanish protests against austerity and everyday crises (e.g. 15-M) as a case study the article shows that a more progressive answer to the current crisis is possible and necessary: a radical reformism that aims beyond state, capitalism and representative democracy.

In the Euro crisis, there is a significant shift in state-society relations and representative democracy: The European ensemble of state apparatuses 'hardens' due to authoritarian austerity measures and becomes less responsive to interests and conflicts within society. At the same time, social conflicts intensify especially in the European periphery as the precariousness of everyday life increases (e.g. evictions, unemployment, and poverty). The article argues that critical European integration research has been unable to develop strategic responses to this situation, because it neglects resistance as well as strategic and structural selectivities of state apparatuses. It in consequence develops a conservative stance: to defend 'really existing' democracy. Taking the Spanish protests against austerity and everyday crises (e.g. 15-M) as a case study the article shows that a more progressive answer to the current crisis is possible and necessary: a radical reformism that aims beyond state, capitalism and representative democracy. Adapted from the source document.

"In the Euro crisis, there is a significant shift in state-society relations and representative democracy: The European ensemble of state apparatuses 'hardens' due to authoritarian austerity measures and becomes less responsive to interests and conflicts within society. At the same time, social conflicts intensify especially in the European periphery as the precariousness of everyday life increases (e.g. evictions, unemployment, and poverty). The article argues that critical European integration research has been unable to develop strategic responses to this situation, because it neglects resistance as well as strategic and structural selectivities of state apparatuses. It in consequence develops a conservative stance: to defend 'really existing' democracy. Taking the Spanish protests against austerity and everyday crises (e.g. 15-M) as a case study the article shows that a more progressive answer to the current crisis is possible and necessary: a radical reformism that aims beyond state, capitalism and representative democracy." (author's abstract)