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As expressed by a plethora of news headlines and articles in academic journals over the last two or three years, a new consensus on Chinese foreign policy seems to have emerged: According to this view, China is said to have reneged upon its previous "smile diplomacy" or "charm offensive" and to have become more "assertive", "aggressive", "nationalist", "triumphalist" or "belligerent". This judgment is based e.g. on China's recent behaviour in territorial conflicts with its neighbours, its military modernization programme or its often rude, condescending treatment of foreign dignitaries by Chinese diplomats. This article rejects the notion of a "new" and "more assertive" Chinese foreign policy, as displayed in Chinese rhetoric and diplomacy, since 2009. It contends that most of the literature fails to differentiate between four dimensions of Chinese foreign policy ('imperial' foreign policy, the ongoing forces of interdependence, unconventional foreign relations 'in the shadow of the empire', 'guerilla' foreign relations). Thus, Chinese foreign relations are far more decentralized and contradictory than the authoritarian character of its political system implies. Therefore, its foreign policy is "new" in a sense, but it is still too early to call it "assertive".

As expressed by a plethora of news headlines and articles in academic journals over the last two or three years, a new consensus on Chinese foreign policy seems to have emerged: According to this view, China is said to have reneged upon its previous "smile diplomacy" or "charm offensive" and to have become more "assertive", "aggressive", "nationalist", "triumphalist" or "belligerent". This judgment is based e.g. on China's recent behaviour in territorial conflicts with its neighbours, its military modernization programme or its often rude, condescending treatment of foreign dignitaries by Chinese diplomats. This article rejects the notion of a "new" and "more assertive" Chinese foreign policy, as displayed in Chinese rhetoric and diplomacy, since 2009. It contends that most of the literature fails to differentiate between four dimensions of Chinese foreign policy ('imperial' foreign policy, the ongoing forces of interdependence, unconventional foreign relations 'in the shadow of the empire', 'guerilla' foreign relations). Thus, Chinese foreign relations are far more decentralized and contradictory than the authoritarian character of its political system implies. Therefore, its foreign policy is "new" in a sense, but it is still too early to call it "assertive". (Asien/GIGA)

This book examines EU and US bilateral trade and investment relations with China, their attempts to level the economic playing field and to narrow the reciprocity gap' in market openness. It explores the extent of EU and US policy change, the underlying factors accounting for this change and compares EU and US foreign economic policy answers to an adversary increasingly perceived as an unfair economic competitor and as a systemic rival. The book covers a broad range of policy areas from trade wars', trade defense instruments, their reform and use, investment screening, and export control to industrial policies. It makes eclectic use of different strands of International Relations, International Political Economy and Policy Analysis theorizing to account for the extent of, and differences in, the EU and US responses. The People's Republic of China's stellar economic and political rise combined with the resilience of its unfair trade practices, its reinforced authoritarian repression at home and its ever more assertive foreign (economic) policy has triggered a shift in perceptions of China, followed by equally profound policy change in the European Union and the US. This book expertly charts and explains this significant shift in stance. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners in the fields of EU trade policymaking, US foreign/ foreign economic policy, EU-China-US economic relations, European political economy, and more broadly to European studies, Asian studies, International Relations, International Political Economy, and transatlantic relations.

Die Volksrepublik China (VRC) ist in der Weltwirtschaftsgeschichte ein außergewöhnlicher Fall. Nie zuvor hat ein Flächenstaat über dreieinhalb Jahrzehnte hinweg ein jährliches Wirtschaftswachstum von durchschnittlich rund zehn Prozent erreicht. Trotz - oder gerade wegen - dieses beispiellosen Aufschwungs, der die VRC zur größten Handelsnation und zweitgrößten Volkswirtschaft der Welt werden ließ, sind Stimmen nie verstummt, die dem Land ein baldiges Ende des schnellen Wachstums vorhersagen. Unter dem Stichwort "Grenzen des Wachstums" werden im Beitrag zentrale Risiken und Herausforderungen für die Zukunft des chinesischen Wirtschaftswachstums skizziert werden, wie sie die westliche Chinadebatte dominieren. Kernelemente dieser Debatte werden einer kritischen Prüfung unterzogen. Zugleich werden Thesen jenseits des ökonomischen Mainstreams zur Zukunftsfähigkeit der politischen Ökonomie Chinas begründet und zur Diskussion gestellt. (ICB2)