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Papers presented at a workshop on Gender and social change : political and cultural implications

The overall objective of the dissertation is to analyze the interaction of national development in developing societies and the world political economy. It is an attempt to challenge the bidden selectivity of present day IR by going beyond the partial explanations of the bits and pieces of the whole international system and at the same time uncover claims of scientific "objectivity" and "natura) laws" in human nature. It is also challenging the mainstream discourse of IR, which denotes that development has been consigned to the realm oflow pol i tics, except when the international order, as it has been constructed, is threatened. The objective then is to "connect the dots" by providing an overall theoretical framework for the concepts and empirical material presented in five sections and chapters of this dissertation. This is done by examining competing views of what development and later on international relations means and how they may be intertwined. The idea is not necessarily to reach a unified approach but to investigate the different theories, concepts and methodologies involved in a search for a valid framework, which may give explanatory value to a merger of the two disciplines "Development studies" and "International Relations".

The objective of this paper is to give insight into the debate over the strategic triangle and how it impacts conflict and security in South Asia. First the new geopolitical motives of the United States in the Asia-Pacific are outlined. Then the concept of strategic triangle is elaborated and its applicability discussed; third, details about China and India's relations and responses to the new US policy are being analyzed; the perspective turns to the implications for conflict and security in South Asia with a focus on Afghanistan and Iran where oil and energy security are the main denominators of foreign policy calculations and moves in the strategic triangle; and finally, some concluding remarks are offered to explain the recent shifts in interactions between these core players in the emerging world order and whether a new geopolitical architecture is emerging

The aim of this paper is to raise a number of questions on the impacts and responses of the crisis in a comparative perspective with focus on the Nordic experience and ROK. It asks the following questions: Where have the Nordic approach versus the Korean models delivered strong results, and what are the weaknesses? What are the human costs and collateral damage in the context of new types of regulation of labor markets and social welfare in the broadest sense and what are the differences and similarities between the models in general specifically with regard to crisis management? The approach guiding the analysis is based on a critical political economy perspective which utilizes a comparative and eclectic methodology. The first part of the paper briefly describes the causes and impacts of the US induced financial crisis cum "Great Depression". The second part discusses the status of the various models of contemporary capitalism – the discredited Anglo-Saxon finance-driven model versus the export-driven production model of growth, with weak safety nets, adopted by East Asian countries in contrast to the export-oriented Nordic social welfare model. The third section documents the impact of the crisis on the economies, and discusses core examples of state intervention in the socio-economic sectors such as labor markets and social welfare in the Nordic as well as Korean contexts. The final section discusses some tentative conclusions about the resilience of the Nordic and ROK models and their potential for recovery.

The paper explains the political economic background for China's insertion to the world system. It furthermore expands on a critical perspective on China's soft power strategy. It goes on to discuss China's foreign policy strategy towards Southeast Asia and China's rivalry with the US in the region.

Invited key-note speech for the Roundtable on "Challenges to participatory democracy and human rights in the globalized market" at the 7 th Asia-Europe People's Forum "For Social and Ecological Justice" in Beijing, China 13-15 October 2008

Paperet gennemgår perioden efter Thaksin regeringens valg i 2003 til dens fald i 2006, hvor et militærkup blev gennemført. Fokus ligger på Thaksin regeringens populisme og herunder lægges særlig vægt på de forskellige sociale tiltag, men samtidig bemærkes den anden side hvor privatisering af statslige selskaber spillede en stor rolle. Efter Thaksins fald har den nye militærjunta relanceret Kong Bhumipols sufficiency economics begreb og artiklen slutter af med en gennemgang af dette begreb. Til slut sammenlignes de to perioder, og der konkluderes at der i høj grad er tale om en rivalisering mellem to frakioner af borgerskabet. ; The intension of this paper is to scrutinize the evolution of economic policy under Thaksin's reign and asks the question whether it was a genuine response to the aftermath of the financial crisis and also whether it was a pro-active socially oriented policy towards the effects of the IMF's austerity measures. What was rhetoric and what was real politik? Were his populist social partnerships and nationalist rethoric a device which hijacked segments of the population in order to fulfil Thaksin's personal fortunes and kleptocratic tendencies? The paper focuses on the nationalist social policy in order to understand its real intend. It furthermore explores the notion of self-sufficient economics - a term launched by King Bhumipol as a response to the crisis. The paper is divided into four parts. The first part explores recent changes in the global economy which have had an important impact on Thai policymaker' room of manoeuvre and focuses on the sequence from the crisis in 1997, the impact of the Thaksin era on the economy and the implications of the recent military coup d'Etat. The second part discusses the new nationalism of the Thaksin administration and the inherent contradictions related to its shift with regard to its policies towards privatization. It traces the increase in labor militancy before and after the crisis and investigates its impact on privatization, social policy and entitlements. The third part asks whether self-sufficiency is a possible solution to the stalemate of the Thai political economy. Finally, the paper rounds up by pointing to a number of recent events in Thai politics related to both the impact of the financial crisis - ten years after - and an evaluation of Thaksin's economic policies and some remarks about sufficiency economics.

Paperet diskuterer de regionale og internationale implikationer i forbindelse med det Thailandske militærkup i september 2007. Fokus ligger på de økonomiske konsekvenser og de geo-politiske såvel som geo-økonomiske aspekter afledt af kuppet. ; The paper analyses the regional and international implications of the Thai military coup in September 2006. Focus is furthermore attached to the economic consequences and the geo-political and geo-economic aspects related to the coup.

Paperet argumenterede imod den gængse opfattelse at alle lande bør følge den samme finanspolitik og argumenterede derimod for en både kontekstuel og historisk begrundet tilgang, der i højere grad end tilfældet er i øjeblikket tager højde for lokale politiske, økonomiske og kulturelle omstændigheder. Det blev endvidere anført at de internationale finansielle institutioner befinder sig i en dyb krise både med hensyn til legitimitet og likviditet. Dette må enten medføre en reformering af Brettonwoods eller en nedlæggelse af samme. ; The paper argues against the usual "one size fits all" approach of the IFIs that all economies must follow the same financial policy. It is necessary to take into consideration a contextual and historical approach in order to enable more considerations for different local political, economic and cultural circumstances. It was furthermore noted that the current deep crisis of the IFIs is associated with both lack of legitimacy and loss of liquidity. Following this the Brettonwoods institutions must either be reformed or abolished

Paperet gennemgår de vigtigste forklaringsmodeller bag det thailandske militærs kup i september 2006. Dernæst gennemgås de historiske faktorer i relation til kongehusets ideologi, og dernæst gives en gennemgang af de formelle og uformelle institutioner, der er tilknyttet tronen, herunder the Crown Property Bureau og Gehejmerådet. Endelig gives en analyse af rivaliseringen mellem Kina og USA og de geo-strategiske implikationer i forbindelse med kuppet og specifikt i forbindelse med kongehusets rolle ; The first part of the paper discusses the most important explanations of the coup. The second part is devoted to history and ideology of the king and the throne while the third develops an image of the Crown Property Bureau and the Privy council's role in Thai politics. The fourth and fifth sections look more squarely at the impact of the rivalry of the US and China and the regional security dimension in relation to the coup itself and more specifically the role of the king. Finally some concluding remarks are offered.