Empirical analyses show that attitudes toward federal politics had only little effect on voting behavior at the Bavarian state parliament elections from 1966 to 2003. As compared to satisfaction with the federal government, perceptions of the federal politicians played a major role in the vote of choice. Yet, focusing on these direct impacts leads to an underestimation of the role of federal politics in state elections, as this strategy ignores indirect effects of federal politics and the intermingling of federal and state politics. The double role of the CSU - as a Bavarian party in the federal arena, and as governing party of state - works in favor of an intermingling of federal and state politics, and of direct and indirect federal politics influence. Thus, Bavarian state elections might be unique since federal politics play a much larger role than in other German state parliament elections. (Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen / FUB)
This article examines the effects of personality traits on attitudes toward foreign policy issues among the German public. Building on previous research, it argues that personality characteristics shape an individual's motivation, goals, and values, thereby providing criteria to evaluate external stimuli and affecting foreign policy opinions. An analysis of survey data from a random sample of Germans eligible to vote confirms that the personality traits play a role in attitudes toward foreign policy issues. By and large, personality affects foreign policy opinions roughly as strongly as traditional factors such as partisanship, ideology, and social background. Among the traits studied, agreeableness and openness render persons more supportive of international cooperation and more skeptical of the use of military force, whereas conscientiousness exhibits reverse effects. Thus, personality traits merit serious attention in analyses of public opinion on foreign policy.
Comments on Gerd Strohmeier's (2007) plea for a reform of the election system in the German Bundestag. On the basis of an extensive diagnosis of deficits of the personalized proportional representation system, Stohmeier suggests introducing a majority vote with a proportional supplementary list. Strohmeier's argumentation offers many points for discussion for both the diagnosis of defects in the present election system & his therapy suggestion. This essay examines the capability of the reform suggestion to achieve Strohmeier's intended results. The author concludes that the proportionally supplemented majority vote system weakens small parties in the Bundestag for the benefit of the big parties & is not able to provide a parliamentary majority for any party under the given circumstances. Therefore, chances that it will displace the personalized proportional representation are remote. E. Sanchez
This article examines the effect of German federal election campaigns on citizens' attitudes toward chancellor candidates. Building on previous research, it puts forward three hypotheses tested using survey data gathered during seven German federal election campaigns. The results confirm that campaigns polarize the voters' perception of the chancellor candidates. During campaigns, voters also bring their opinions about candidates into line with their partisan attitudes. Moreover, during three campaigns candidate preferences become increasingly powerful predictors of vote choice. The findings also suggest that election-specific factors condition campaign effects. The paper concludes by discussing the implications of these findings for campaigns and political science. [Copyright 2006 Elsevier Ltd.]
This article analyses the effects of German federal election campaigns on citizens' orientations towards chancellor candidates. Three hypotheses are formulated. They refer to polarization, party politicization, and priming of candidate attitudes; additionally, it is argued that campaign context moderates the effects. The hypotheses are tested empirically using survey data collected in the election campaigns from 1980 to 1998. Empirically, the perceptions of the chancellor candidates become more polarized during campaigns; additionally, the perceptions are brought into line with party preferences. Finally, priming effects are less common, but in some cases, substantial candidate priming is found. Hence, election campaigns influence candidate orienta- tions in Germany, and the effect varies according to political conditions.
Der vorliegende Aufsatz geht der Frage nach, welche Wirkungen von kriegsbezogener Angst auf politische Einstellungen während des Golfkriegs 1991 ausgingen. Es kann gezeigt werden, dass Angst die Ablehnung der alliierten Intervention und des Einsatzes deutscher Truppen in der Türkei verstärkte. Angst begünstigte ebenfalls Zustimmung zum Standpunkt der SPD-Opposition sowie indirekt eine kritische Haltung zur Regierungspolitik. Zudem kann eine Moderatorwirkung von Angst nachgewiesen werden: Angst sorgte nicht für einen wachsenden Einfluss langfristig stabiler Orientierungen auf die Bewertung von politischen Akteuren, sondern stärkte die Wirkung von kurzfristigen, auf die Haltung politischer Akteure zum Golfkonflikt bezogenen Orientierungen. Die vom Golfkonflikt ausgelöste Angst beeinflusste also die Richtung von politischen Einstellungen und deren Wirkungen. (Politische Vierteljahresschrift / FUB)
This article addresses the effects of fear & attitudes towards the Western military intervention in Kosovo in 1999 among the German public in East & West. The author proposes three competing hypotheses: the pro-government hypothesis, the party-supporter hypothesis & the policy hypothesis. The evidence shows that persons who were afraid of the war in Kosovo opposed NATO air strikes, called for cease-fire & rejected the deployment of ground troops. The findings suggest that the war in Kosovo provoked fear that in turn decreased support for the intervention of the West. Thus, the evidence backs the policy hypothesis that is in line with liberal strands in the debate about the role of public opinion in foreign policy. Adapted from the source document.