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At the beginning of the new Millennium, the Danish consumer researcher Folke Ölander who passed away in 2013, complained about the static character of consumer research: It had no identity, missing capacities and it lacked legitimacy. But there was no reason for him to despair. Instead, he asked how "research relevant consumer policy could be intensified" (Ölander 2005, 26). His suggestion was to found a competence center for "collection and communication" to combine and connect the research activities "of many universities" (Ölander 2005, 27). Such a competence center would foster ties between science, consumer interests and policies and, if designed accordingly, could establish certain focal points and promote projects.

Innovation and diffusion theories have a long tradition in marketing and consumer behaviour literature (Black 1983; Petrosky 1991; Rogers 1976, 2003). However, thus far, little research has been conducted into understanding the diffusion (and adoption) process of ethical consumption under innovation theories (Carrigan, Moraes, and Leek 2011), even though ethical consumption has been recognised as an innovation trend (Ganglmair-Wooliscroft and Wooliscroft 2015; Lundahl 2014). The aim of this paper is to build on the literature on ethical consumption from the lens of the theories of innovation and, specifically, from diffusion theory. First, key concepts regarding these theories are given. Second, ethical veganism (hereafter, veganism) is used as a case study to show how the second-curve model offers an opportunity to reframe the understanding of ethical consumption and, subsequently, its analysis. Finally, some implications for researchers and practitioners are considered.

In the past 40 years there has been an increase in second-hand consumption among consumers (Guiot and Roux 2010), since the 'shame and stigma associated with second-hand consumption' disappeared and second-hand goods became 'cool' and 'stylish' (Franklin 2011, 156). In Germany, for example, the turnover of goods sold in second-hand retail outlets is expected to increase from €1.902 mio in 2012 to €2.198 mio in 2020 (Statista n.d.). Second-hand consumption is a niche form of consumption and therefore does not correspond to the norm (Crewe and Gregson 2003; Williams and Paddock 2003). Second-hand goods can be distinguished from new goods because they are pre-used and pre-owned (Luchs et al. 2011). They are usually less expensive than new products and have some traces of wear-and-tear (Estelami and Raymundo 2012). Several forms of second-hand consumption exist. These range from 'car boot sales, charity shops, auctions, online auctions, seller websites, vintage and other second-hand shops, nearly new sales to bric-a-brac stalls run by charities or non-profit community organisations such as churches and schools' (Waight 2013a, 299). Although these places for second-hand exchange are shaped by both buyers and sellers (Gregson and Crewe 2003, 3), the professionalisation of second-hand charity shops has taken place recently. In particular, professional online platforms such as Ubup have revolutionised the second-hand market. Ubup is a second-hand retailer that buys second-hand clothes, and then checks, photographs and labels the clothes online for a professional customer experience, just as in a regular online shop for new clothes (Ubup, n.d). Second-hand shops of all forms are increasingly attempting to copy traditional retail practices (Gregson and Crewe 2003, 75).

Consumer critique stretches back almost to the beginning of the consumer society itself, including Veblen's (1899) analysis of consumption for display among the nouveau riche, Adorno and Horkheimer (1944), who argued that consumers are trapped and manipulated by the capitalist system, and Galbraith (1958), who claimed, among other things, that producers create artificial desires that do not contribute to the well-being of consumers (Schor 2007). In recent decades, much of the consumer critique has also incorporated an ecological dimension. Jackson (2009) and others have argued that continued growth in global consumption is incompatible with sustainable development and that changes in values and priorities are required to tackle society's longterm challenges.

Data-driven regulation has become a new type of governance. Identifying number plates and human faces using computer vision, and tracking the position of consumer devices deploying sensors in the public space, are facilitating new master plans for the smart country and its smart cities, where government services are provided only to those who need them (Hodgkinson 2011). Politics are struggling to keep pace and include available data and newly identified threats in the development of new policies. Behavioural governance is helping to utilise data collection in order to influence consumers and citizens without the need to enact strict penalties for unwanted behaviour and without the requirement to enforce regulations with huge bureaucratic overheads. The computer industry's default answer to the how of politics is what could be called 'solutionism': problems are to be dealt with via apps, sensors and feedback loops - all provided by start-ups (Morozov 2014). Google's Eric Schmidt was even more optimistic in 2014: IT start-ups would provide the solution to economic inequality.

Current consumer behaviour, actions and policy decisions symbiotically interact with the vision that well-being equals unlimited capacity for material consumption, defining a relationship of mutual dependency and bringing about serious negative environmental, social and economic impacts derived from the present development model (WWI 2010).

The sustainable development goals offer an integrated picture of possible transitions to sustainable development. They include social, economic and ecological goals, as well as goals for countries on various levels of economic development. Thus, they acknowledge that the transition to sustainability is a collective task that must be accomplished by humanity as a whole. They mention both sustainable consumption (SDG 12) and employment conditions (SDG 8). However, the literature linking decent work and behavioural change towards sustainability is still scarce. This paper aims to contribute to filling this gap by looking at the effects of growing employment insecurity on sustainable consumption, as exemplified by the purchase of organic food in the case of Germany.

In the twenty-first century, consumers have various options in terms of acting more responsibly towards their environment. One of these options is a more conscious utilisation of private durables by renting them to other consumers at times when they are not being utilised. This kind of sharing has always taken place within living memory between friends and family. However, with the emergence of the Internet, consumers can now also initiate such exchanges with likeminded strangers from far away. They can meet virtually at C2C 1 online renting platforms, which allow them to exchange the rarely utilised durables with minimum transaction costs.

The obvious issue of consumer data in the context of consumer policy is the mass of data that consumers voluntarily or involuntarily produce and diffuse. Thereby, consumers run the risk that their data is not only being used to their benefit, but also being abused. This is particularly the case with personal and sensitive data that can clearly lead to serious harm for consumers, if this data falls into the wrong hands. Typically, in an open market economy there are commercial interests, seeking new, technical ways to access consumer data for the sake of profit maximisation. The contributions to this part show that this is an important field to be addressed by consumer policy.

The 'scored consumer' is just one example of many generic developments in and around big data, entailing potential conflicts with the fundamental right to privacy. In this paper, we will discuss the relation between elements of the big data debate and the issue of privacy, and we will exemplify the challenges arising by looking into the details of credit scoring. The current challenges originate predominantly from socio-technical developments during recent decades, which will continue to unfold over the coming years. Three of these socio-technical and techno-economic-driven developments are digitisation, big data and the Internet of things. These developments are very relevant to all of us, as they are supposed to change - and have already changed - our lives profoundly.

"What once has been thought, cannot be taken back." (Friedrich Dürrenmatt, The Physicists) In Dürrenmatts play, the physicist Möbius has discovered the world formula and is afraid of its destructive potential, which poses a threat to global security. In order to ensure that his dismal discovery will not become harmful, he checks into a lunatic asylum. Tragically, his plan fails and his discovery falls into the wrong hands, which leads him to resignation and to the above-quoted insight. The lesson to be drawn from this play is that technological innovations have a huge influence on individual and social behaviour and that we cannot stop new technology from being used. However, we have the possibility to establish forms of public governance, ensuring that innovation works for the individual and common good. Health apps and wearables may appear to be a comparatively minor innovation, but they have the potential to change our society significantly, and the widespread use of this technology reminds us that it is high-time to analyse its potential, ranging from empowerment to the manipulation of users.