Suchergebnisse

Informed by the author's long-standing work on violent conflict, peace and education in countries of the Global South, particularly Colombia, this open access book presents a comprehensive narrative about the relationship between peace education, historical memory and the sustaining peace agenda, advocating for the adoption of a new perspective on education for sustaining peace through historical memory. Education on and for peace in countries wrestling with, or emerging from, protracted violent conflict is up against major challenges, and both conventional and critical approaches to peace education are limited to address these. Incorporating a focus on historical memory, without losing sight of its own pitfalls, into peace education can support learners and teachers to come to grips with achieving positive, peace-sustaining change at both the micro (individual) and macro (social and institutional) levels, and to develop concepts and practices of effective and legitimate alternatives to violence and war. Conceived in these terms, historical memory-oriented peace education also stands to enhance the work-in-progress that is the UN-led sustaining peace agenda, including its Sustainable Development Goals.

AbstractThe relationship between political settlements and organised violence and crime in the contemporary developing world is little understood. Analysing the oil wars and massive oil theft in the Niger delta of Nigeria in the first decade after the transition to civilian‐electoral rule in 1999, this article shows that (i) organised violence is not exogenous to political settlements and their (re)production and does not always destabilise them; and (ii) organised criminal activities associated with the generation of natural resource rents, such as the massive theft of crude oil, can contribute to violence mitigation and the stabilisation of a contested political settlement. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Despite its relevance to understanding political change and instability in many parts of the global South, the relationship between organized crime and political order remains understudied. This article introduces the novel concept of "crimillegality" to address this issue. Taking recourse to the conceptions of political order put forward by Weber, Fukuyama and North, Wallis and Weingast, I explain how regular patterns of social exchange and interaction - involving public and private, and state and non-state actors - that span an assumed divide between the realms of legality ("legitimate upper world") and criminality ("illegitimate underworld") influence the character, shape and evolution of political order. I suggest that it is in crimillegal orders that organized criminality acquires political power to its fullest and that oligopolies of coercion and violence are constitutive elements of such orders. The article concludes by presenting some ideas about how the concept of crimillegality could be usefully adopted in the fields of peace building and the mitigation of non-armed conflict violence in Latin America and other parts of the contemporary world.

Massive violence exerted by paramilitary groups has been a gruesome central feature of Colombia's protracted armed conflict. Particularly in the past thirty years, paramilitary atrocities have critically affected small farmers, human rights defenders, community and labour leaders, and leftist intellectuals and politicians. But who and what are the paramilitaries and how did they emerge as key players in the armed conflict? Which sectors of Colombian society are supporting them? Why has the state not confronted them or, worse, has acted in collusion with them? Was the demobilization of the paramilitary United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) some ten years ago a farce, leading to the transformation of the paramilitary groups but not to their extinction? These and other related questions have exercised and tormented many minds in the past decades, both in Colombia and abroad. But finding cogent and persuasive answers remains work in progress.

A pesar de su relevancia para entender el cambio político y la inestabilidad en muchas partes del sur global, la relación entre el crimen organizado y los órdenes políticos sigue sin estudiarse a fondo. Este artículo introduce el novedoso concepto de "crimilegalidad" para abordar este asunto. Recurriendo a las concepciones de orden político elaboradas por Weber, Fukuyama y North, Wallis y Weingast, se explica cómo los patrones regulares de intercambio e interacción social –entre actores privados y públicos, y estatales y no-estatales que se extienden sobre la brecha que comúnmente divide al ámbito de la legalidad ("mundo legítimo") del ámbito de la criminalidad ("bajo mundo ilegítimo")– influyen en el carácter, la forma y la evolución del orden político. Se sugiere que es en los órdenes crimilegales donde la criminalidad organizada adquiere mayor poder político y que los oligopolios de la coerción y violencia son elementos constitutivos de tales órdenes.

Despite its relevance to understanding political change and instability in many parts of the global South, the relationship between organized crime and political order remains understudied. This article introduces the novel concept of "crimillegality" to address this issue. Taking recourse to the conceptions of political order put forward by Weber, Fukuyama and North, Wallis and Weingast, I explain how regular patterns of social exchange and interaction - involving public and private, and state and non-state actors - that span an assumed divide between the realms of legality ("legitimate upper world") and criminality ("illegitimate underworld") influence the character, shape and evolution of political order. I suggest that it is in crimillegal orders that organized criminality acquires political power to its fullest and that oligopolies of coercion and violence are constitutive elements of such orders. The article concludes by presenting some ideas about how the concept of crimillegality could be usefully adopted in the fields of peace building and the mitigation of non-armed conflict violence in Latin America and other parts of the contemporary world. ; A pesar de su relevancia para entender el cambio político y la inestabilidad en muchas partes del sur global, la relación entre el crimen organizado y los órdenes políticos sigue sin estudiarse a fondo. Este artículo introduce el novedoso concepto de "crimilegalidad" para abordar este asunto. Recurriendo a las concepciones de orden político elaboradas por Weber, Fukuyama y North, Wallis y Weingast, se explica cómo los patrones regulares de intercambio e interacción social –entre actores privados y públicos, y estatales y no-estatales que se extienden sobre la brecha que comúnmente divide al ámbito de la legalidad ("mundo legítimo") del ámbito de la criminalidad ("bajo mundo ilegítimo")– influyen en el carácter, la forma y la evolución del orden político. Se sugiere que es en los órdenes crimilegales donde la criminalidad organizada adquiere mayor poder político y que los oligopolios de la coerción y violencia son elementos constitutivos de tales órdenes. Este artículo concluye con algunas ideas acerca de cómo el concepto de crimilegalidad puede ser adoptado de manera útil en los ámbitos de la construcción de paz y la mitigación de la violencia no asociada con los conflictos armados en América Latina y otras partes del mundo contemporáneo. ; Apesar da sua relevância para entender a mudança política e a instabilidade em muitas partes do sul global, a relação entre o crime organizado e as ordens políticas continua sem ser estudada a fundo. Este artigo introduz o inovador conceito de "crimilegalidade" para abordar este assunto. Recorrendo às concepções de ordem política elaboradas por Weber, Fukuyama e North, Wallis e Weingast, explica-se como os patrões regulares de intercâmbio e interação social –entre atores privados e públicos, e estatais e não-estatais que se estende sobre a brecha que comumente divide ao âmbito da legalidade ("mundo legítimo") do âmbito da criminalidade ("submundo ilegítimo)– influem no caráter, na forma e na evolução da ordem política. Sugere-se que nas ordens crimilegais onde a criminalidade organizada adquire maior poder político e que os oligopólios da coerção e violência são elementos constitutivos de tais ordens. Este artigo conclui com algumas ideias acerca de como o conceito de crimilegalidade pode ser adotado de maneira útil nos âmbitos da construção da paz e na mitigação da violência não associada aos conflitos armados na América Latina e em outras partes do mundo contemporâneo.

Escribir bien sobre lo político es una forma de arte. Hoy, pocos escritores entienden el significado de esta premisa. Constantemente nos enfrentamos a artículos, ensayos, informes y libros mediocres y sesgados que pretenden ser "políticos" y "científicos", pero que en realidad son expresiones de sensacionalismo y confusión ideológica o de falta de conocimiento empírico del autor, y generalmente de perspectiva.