Suchergebnisse

Abstract
This paper begins with an examination of the phrase /garah dmāna-/, the most common designation for Paradise in the Gathas, for which the traditional translation 'House of Song' is upheld. Its dualistic opposite /drujah dmāna-/ 'House of Wrongness' for Hell leads to the question of why for Paradise one doesn't have the expected opposite *'House of Rightness' instead of 'House of Song'. The answer proceeds from the etymologically unrelated Armenian gerezman 'grave, tomb', whose origin has been hitherto unknown, despite attempts toward its etymology. In view of the Indo-European phrase for the grave (i.e., burial mound) as 'the House of Clay', it is then suggested that the Arm. word is from a Median phrase, which is reconstructed as *gṛda- *zmani- '*clay (*zmani-) house (*gṛda-)'. The phonic similarity of this phrase to /garah dmāna-/ (/garah/ 'song's' and /dmāna-/ 'house'), with referential contrast is then seen as the chief motivation for Zarathushtra's use of /garah dmāna-/ for 'Paradise'. Then there ensues a discussion of the archeological-historical contexts for the latter development. Next, a phonologically systematic account is offered for Arm. gerezman becoming "Caucasian Albanian" garazman 'grave, tomb', in accord with hitherto unnoted aspects of "Caucasian Albanian" historical vocalism. The modern Udi derivative of garazman, i.e. gärämzä, is also accounted for. The loanwords in "Caucasian Albanian" are then divided into two main strata, first the Armenian (Iranian loans and indigenous Arm. words), including some forms from Armenian antedating Armenian literacy, and second a stratum of words, which are here called "Parthic", of a vintage par with Manichean Parthian. These "Parthic" words, with their religious references, point to an Iranian group which (after the Armenian phase of loanwords) influenced the development of Christianity among the "Caucasian Albanians", suggesting the existence of a "Christian Parthian".

I shall review the various etymological proposals for Armenian skay/hskay 'giant'/ To be refuted is the pervasive hypothesis that the collocation Paroyr Skayordi represents the name of a Scyth (Assyrian Partatua, Greak Προτοθύης) who is supposedly 'son (ordi) of a Saka (skay)', whereby skay 'giant' is taken from Saka- 'Scyth'. Then it will be discussed whether and how skay comes from Middle Persian kay, which will entail an exploration of the history of the latter word, from Avestan kauui- to various Middle Iranian forms, and relevant attesttaions in the Manichean Book of the Giants. With rejection of the explanations hitherto for the s- of the skay, a new account will be offered, with further discussion of the h- of hskay. APPENDIX I will set forth the Proto-Indo-European root *kelĝ and its intricate semantics. APPENDIX II will be devoted to phonic encryption in the Gathas.

This article sets forth a history (with literary-textual focus) of the Iranian mythological Snake-man, from the earliest Vedic and Avestan evidence, down to Ferdowsi. The continuous development of the myth in Iran is accompanied by changes in the monster's name, which show linguistic reassociations, while a constant in all of this is the figure's representation as an inimical outsider. The Vedic name of the brute's fortification, the background of which in etymology and realia will be shown to be the pre-Aryan Bactria-Margiana Archeological Complex, finds a clear but hitherto unobserved correlation in Pahlavi. This illuminates the Indo-Iranian antiquity of the myth in terms of prehistoric inter-ethnic rivalries.

AbstractThis paper aims to establish Proto-Iranian *l by focusing on a variety of words in (I) Persian and (II) Zaza, many of which are of intrinsic etymological interest. In addition, (III) other etymologically noteworthy Zaza words are discussed.