Glory M. Liu: Adam Smith's America: How a Scottish Philosopher Became an Icon of American Capitalism. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022. Pp. xxxii, 348.)
In: The review of politics, S. 1-2
ISSN: 1748-6858
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In: The review of politics, S. 1-2
ISSN: 1748-6858
In: American political thought: a journal of ideas, institutions, and culture, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 155-158
ISSN: 2161-1599
In: Polity, Band 52, Heft 4, S. 496-520
ISSN: 1744-1684
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 873-874
ISSN: 1541-0986
In: Contemporary political theory: CPT, Band 18, Heft S1, S. 49-51
ISSN: 1476-9336
In: Western Political Science Association 2010 Annual Meeting Paper
SSRN
Working paper
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of the Western Political Science Association and other associations, Band 76, Heft 3, S. 1224-1234
ISSN: 1938-274X
Even the most zealous interpreters of Adam Smith as an advocate of free markets and commercial progress have long acknowledged his support for public education. Yet the comparatively little scholarship on Smith's educational theory never fully articulates his defense of public education, often framing it as a corrective to economic and moral problems generated by the market while ignoring its political importance. We argue here that Smith saw public education as much more than anesthesia to treat the wounds inflicted by the market. For Smith, compulsory public education not only promotes distributive justice, develops moral judgment, and cultivates good citizenship—it is vital for securing all three. A compulsory education affords citizens the opportunity to sympathize with others and be objects of sympathy while teaching them how to be skeptical of the rhetorical efforts of others. As such, this paper argues that Smith's major works offer a potent defense of public education as a precondition for political judgment rather than a mere program "needed to offset the social costs of the division of labor."
In: European journal of political theory: EJPT, S. 147488512311535
ISSN: 1741-2730
John Locke's educational program has long been considered to have two primary aims: to habituate children to reason and to raise children capable of meeting the demands of citizenship that he details in his Two Treatises of Government. Yet Locke's educational prescriptions undermine citizens' capacity for honesty, a critical political virtue for Locke. To explain how Locke's educational prescriptions are self-undermining, we turn to Rousseau's extended critique of Locke's Some Thoughts on Education in his Émile. We argue that Rousseau explains why such an education allows a natural desire to dominate to flourish, rendering children who receive it dishonest and incapable of self-government. Rousseau's critique exposes how a liberal education focused solely on autonomy cannot produce the kinds of citizens a Lockean politics requires.
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 81, Heft 1, S. 66-80
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: American political thought: a journal of ideas, institutions, and culture, Band 7, Heft 4, S. 588-613
ISSN: 2161-1599
In: American political science review, Band 110, Heft 1, S. 100-111
ISSN: 1537-5943
The study of rhetoric has recently undergone a revival in political theory as a response to deliberative democratic approaches that value reason over affect in the political sphere. Most rhetorical revivalists look to Aristotle and develop accounts of ethos (character) that privilege the epistemic dimensions of trust, while overlooking the importance that considerations of propriety play in shaping the political speech of democratic leaders. We reconsider the rhetorical approach by integrating the regulative standards suggested by two political thinkers who also were theorists of rhetoric: Cicero and Adam Smith. Committed to character's role in collective judgment, Cicero and Smith both hold that sincerity and context shape decorum or propriety: Leaders rely on decorum to shape their rhetorical appeals, and audiences look to the fit between speech and character to gauge moral trustworthiness. Smith, however, goes beyond Cicero to develop a rhetorical theory more relevant for democracies by highlighting the importance of political context for rhetorical appeals and evaluations. We conclude by suggesting that attention to these components of decorum moves beyond Aristotelian accounts of rhetorical character in a way that is consistent with much empirical research on how voters judge the character of elected officials.
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 77, Heft 2, S. 463-476
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 77, Heft 2, S. 463-476
ISSN: 0022-3816