Suchergebnisse

1. Introduction : the puzzle of legislative service by women of color -- 2. Geographical variation, the gender gap, and intersecting theories of representation -- 3. Mapping the terrain : descriptive representation at the intersection of gender and race/ethnicity -- 4. Geographical variation at the intersection -- 5. Gender gaps at the intersection -- 6. Conclusion : representation at the intersections.

"Over the past several decades, the number of women elected to higher office in the United States has grown substantially. However, when the electoral gains of women are considered on a state-by-state basis, there are observable variations in the rate by state at which women are elected to state legislative office. Scholars have noted an additional variation in women office holders: that women of color serve at higher rates than white women. Becki Scola's book provides an explanation for these two interrelated puzzles on electoral gender gaps. She examines the factors surrounding the uneven proportional distribution of female legislators, and then explores why gender appears to be an advantage for women of color office holders. Building on a model of institutional influence, her analysis proposes that some institutional structures at the state level "demand" that women to run for office while others do not. She suggests that in states where institutional structures signal their openness to female candidates, there are more likely to be higher percentages of female legislators. Scola also finds that across time, the variables that are important for predicting women's office holding across the states are different for white women and women of color. White women are significantly more likely to be present in legislatures of states that have higher levels of liberal ideology, that are designated as Moralistic, and that have less professionalized legislatures. States with lower per capita income, lower female disadvantage, and higher percentages of non-white populations are associated with higher percentages of women of color legislators.The first book-length study to analyze how race informs gender in terms of patterns of office holding, Gender, Race, and Office Holding in the United States provides insight into both underrepresentation in general as well as the underlying dynamics of representation within specific groups of women"--

"Over the past several decades, the number of women elected to higher office in the United States has grown substantially. However, when the electoral gains of women are considered on a state-by-state basis, there are observable variations in the rate by state at which women are elected to state legislative office. Scholars have noted an additional variation in women office holders: that women of color serve at higher rates than white women. Becki Scola's book provides an explanation for these two interrelated puzzles on electoral gender gaps. She examines the factors surrounding the uneven proportional distribution of female legislators, and then explores why gender appears to be an advantage for women of color office holders. Building on a model of institutional influence, her analysis proposes that some institutional structures at the state level "demand" that women to run for office while others do not. She suggests that in states where institutional structures signal their openness to female candidates, there are more likely to be higher percentages of female legislators. Scola also finds that across time, the variables that are important for predicting women's office holding across the states are different for white women and women of color. White women are significantly more likely to be present in legislatures of states that have higher levels of liberal ideology, that are designated as Moralistic, and that have less professionalized legislatures. States with lower per capita income, lower female disadvantage, and higher percentages of non-white populations are associated with higher percentages of women of color legislators. The first book-length study to analyze how race informs gender in terms of patterns of office holding, Gender, Race, and Office Holding in the United States provides insight into both underrepresentation in general as well as the underlying dynamics of representation within specific groups of women"--

AbstractOver the past several decades, women's office holding at the state level has grown substantially, but there is still a large range of electoral service across the 50 states. In this article, I revisit the most common explanations provided by the literature in helping us understand this variation and assess whether these explanations can be effectively applied to different racial/ethnic groups of female legislators. Using data from a 20-year time span, I find that there are differences between the factors that predict white women and women of color's state legislative presence.

This article investigates the puzzle of women of color's proportionately higher percentage of office holding in state legislatures compared to white women legislators by testing the predictive capacity of variables commonly used to explain percentages of women at the state level. Using an original dataset that includes characteristics for all 50 U.S. states, the results suggest that standard indicators of women's office holding do not work equally well for all groups of women. The study demonstrates that race and ethnicity do make a difference in regards to women's office holding at the state level when the racial and ethnic characteristics of female legislators are considered. Adapted from the source document. COPIES ARE AVAILABLE FROM: HAWORTH DOCUMENT DELIVERY CENTER, The Haworth Press, Inc., 10 Alice Street, Binghamton, NY 13904-1580

AbstractPrior research has found that descriptive representation by race, ethnicity, or gender increases political action, but it has paid less attention to how the intersection of these identities influences participation. We extend this literature by assessing the effects on voter turnout of collective descriptive representation in U.S. state legislatures on the basis of race, ethnicity, gender, and their intersections. We argue that members of historically excluded groups respond to the overall composition of their state's legislature. We test this proposition in seven elections (2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, and 2012). Our results are consistent with the minority empowerment literature, as overall collective representation does substantially increase turnout among previously excluded groups. However, the impact varies intersectionally. For white women, gender trumps race, as higher collective gender representation, regardless of race or ethnicity, increases voter turnout. For African Americans, race trumps gender, as both black men and women respond most consistently to higher levels of collective racial representation. For Latinos, we find less consistent results, but note a collective ethnic turnout effect for 2002 and 2006. We conclude that collective representation, especially at the intersection of identities, is an important factor influencing levels of turnout among previously excluded groups.