Suchergebnisse

This article draws on the results of a large-scale audience study to examine how audiences respond to mediated encounters with distant suffering on UK television. The research involved two phases of focus groups separated by a two-month diary study. Research participants' mediated experiences of distant suffering were generally characterised by indifference and solitary enjoyment, with respect to distant and dehumanised distant others. However, the results also signal that, in various ways, non-news factual television programming offers spectators a more proximate, active and complex mediated experience of distant suffering than television news.

The interaction of Spanish and indigenous peoples during the conquest of Mexico yielded a wide variety of actions and decisions. Native groups sometimes battled the Spanish but in other instances cooperated. The Spaniards often attacked when facing overwhelming odds but in other situations retreated with meager gains. Insight into those decisions and actions is gained by looking at human wants and preferences. The Friedman-Savage utility function is applied to specific important events of the conquest of Mexico to clarify the decision making of the participants. An interdisciplinary approach is employed in constructing the expected utility of wealth model, where the maximization of the expected utility of wealth and movement between socioeconomic classes is critically analyzed. Evidence from the Juan de Grijalva expedition, interactions with coastal villages, Hernán Cortés's approach to Tenochtitlan, and the Tlaxcalan decision to ally with the Spaniards are used to clearly illustrate the relationship between the utility of wealth and decision making. Looking through the lens of the Friedman-Savage utility function at events up to Cortés's meeting with Moteucçoma, it is clear that the utility of wealth and the unprecedented opportunities to move to a new socioeconomic class were strong factors in the decision making of the participants.

Practice regarding costs varies considerably between magistrates courts, apparently arbitrarily and unfairly, despite clear guidance from the Magistrates Association. The advent of the Independent Prosecutor provides the chance to achieve consistent standards.

Law enforcement should make sure their officers are not using social media to harm themselves, violate the integrity of the profession, or bring a bad light to the local government that law enforcement serves. Law enforcement agencies should develop a policy that will limit the use of social media in order to protect the officers and the community. The policy should not be to prevent law enforcement from using social media, but instead should be to protect the officer and the agency. Law enforcement officers have posted online material that may cause danger to themselves or their families. Some law enforcement officers have posted online images or stories that have brought into question their integrity, caused cases to be dismissed from court, or in some cases, to be relieved of duty. Limiting the use of social media or other online activities can increase work productivity, create safer actions while at work, and provide a safer environment for the citizens of the community that law enforcement serves. Without a policy that will limit the use of social media, law enforcement agencies are not providing the best service to the community, thus posing a danger to the community and not upholding the ethical obligation to law enforcement.

This book documents the unique reporting practices of humanitarian journalists ⁰́₃ an influential group of journalists defying conventional approaches to covering humanitarian crises. Based on a 5-year study, involving over 150 in-depth interviews, this book examines the political, economic and social forces that sustain and influence humanitarian journalists. The authors argue that ⁰́₃ by amplifying marginalised voices and providing critical, in-depth explanations of neglected crises ⁰́₃ these journalists show us that another kind of humanitarian journalism is possible. However, the authors also reveal the heavy price these reporters pay for deviating from conventional journalistic norms. Their peripheral position at the ⁰́₈boundary zone⁰́₉ between the journalistic and humanitarian fields means that a humanitarian journalist⁰́₉s job is often precarious ⁰́₃ with direct implications for their work, especially as ⁰́₈watchdogs⁰́₉ for the aid sector. As a result, they urgently need more support if they are to continue to do this work and promote more effective and accountable humanitarian action. A rigorous study of how unique professional practices can be produced at the ⁰́₈boundary zone⁰́₉ between fields, this book will interest students and scholars of journalism and communication studies, sociology and humanitarian studies. It will also appeal to those interested in studies of news and media work as occupational identities.

This book documents the unique reporting practices of humanitarian journalists – an influential group of journalists defying conventional approaches to covering humanitarian crises.

Based on a 5-year study, involving over 150 in-depth interviews, this book examines the political, economic and social forces that sustain and influence humanitarian journalists. The authors argue that – by amplifying marginalised voices and providing critical, in-depth explanations of neglected crises – these journalists show us that another kind of humanitarian journalism is possible. However, the authors also reveal the heavy price these reporters pay for deviating from conventional journalistic norms. Their peripheral position at the 'boundary zone' between the journalistic and humanitarian fields means that a humanitarian journalist's job is often precarious – with direct implications for their work, especially as 'watchdogs' for the aid sector. As a result, they urgently need more support if they are to continue to do this work and promote more effective and accountable humanitarian action.

A rigorous study of how unique professional practices can be produced at the 'boundary zone' between fields, this book will interest students and scholars of journalism and communication studies, sociology and humanitarian studies. It will also appeal to those interested in studies of news and media work as occupational identities.

We examine if and how news coverage influences governments' humanitarian aid allocations, from the perspective of the senior bureaucrats involved in such decision-making. Using rare in-depth interviews with 30 directors and senior policymakers in 16 of the world's largest donor countries, we found that the majority of these bureaucrats believed that sudden-onset, national news coverage can increase levels of emergency humanitarian aid allocated to a crisis. They said that this influence operated by triggering other accountability institutions (the public, civil society, elected officials) who put pressure on aid bureaucracies to announce additional funding. However, these practitioners claim that annual humanitarian aid allocations - which are much larger - are unaffected by news pressure. Intriguingly, we also find that many respondents interpret a lack of news coverage as grounds for increasing their annual aid allocations to what they call 'forgotten crises'. We argue that 'bureaucratic mediatisation', rather than the 'CNN Effect' or the 'Cockroach Effect', provides the most appropriate theoretical perspective to understand these multiple, concurrent and indirect forms of media influence. These findings have important implications for government donors, news organisations and aid agencies, and for our wider understanding of how news coverage may influence foreign policy.

How do journalists working for different state-funded international news organizations legitimize their relationship to the governments which support them? In what circumstances might such journalists resist the diplomatic strategies of their funding states? We address these questions through a comparative study of journalists working for international news organizations funded by the Chinese, US, UK and Qatari governments. Using 52 interviews with journalists covering humanitarian issues, we explain how they minimized tensions between their diplomatic role and dominant norms of journalistic autonomy by drawing on three – broadly shared – legitimizing narratives, involving different kinds of boundary-work. In the first 'exclusionary' narrative, journalists differentiated their 'truthful' news reporting from the 'false' state 'propaganda' of a common Other, the Russian-funded network, RT. In the second 'fuzzifying' narrative, journalists deployed the ambiguous notion of 'soft power' as an ambivalent 'boundary concept', to defuse conflicts between journalistic and diplomatic agendas. In the final 'inversion' narrative, journalists argued that, paradoxically, their dependence on funding states gave them greater 'operational autonomy'. Even when journalists did resist their funding states, this was hidden or partial, and prompted less by journalists' concerns about the political effects of their work, than by serious threats to their personal cultural capital.