This paper analyses the Brazilian case of federal centralization of oil revenues, to show how jurisdictions' preferences may direct federal dynamics through central federative mechanisms. The study reaches for historical and institutional approaches that explain continuity and change in territorial regimes. Specifically, we analyse the loss of discretionary power in the use of oil resources through the understanding of if and how these changes affected the approval of National Law 12,858 in 2013, which determined that federal government, states, and municipalities should spend their share of oil revenues in education and health. We show the way subnational preferences affect federal policies, highlighting the importance of causality and context, both political and institutional, and indicating a return to a governability pattern that seemed to be buried with the economic stabilization plan in 1994.
This article analyzes the Brazilian case of federal centralization of oil revenues, to show how jurisdictions' preferences may direct federal dynamics through central federative mechanisms. The study uses historical and institutional approaches that explain continuity and change in territorial regimes. Specifically, we analyse the loss of discretionary power in the use of oil resources through the understanding whether and how these changes affected the approval of National Law 12858 in 2013, which determined that federal government, states, and municipalities should spend their share of oil revenues on education and health. We show the way subnational preferences affect federal policies, highlighting the importance of causality and context, both politically and institutionally, and indicating a return to a governability pattern that seemed to be buried with the economic stabilization plan of 1994. ; Este artículo analiza el caso brasileño de centralización federal de los ingresos petroleros, para mostrar cómo las preferencias de las jurisdicciones pueden dirigir la dinámica federal a través de mecanismos federativos del centro. El estudio trabaja enfoques históricos e institucionales que explican la continuidad y el cambio en los regímenes territoriales. Específicamente, analizamos la pérdida de poder discrecional en el uso de los recursos petroleros evaluando si estos cambios afectaron a la aprobación de la Ley Nacional 12.858 en 2013, que determinó que el gobierno federal, los estados y los municipios deberían gastar su parte de los ingresos petroleros en educación y salud. Mostramos cómo las preferencias subnacionales afectan a las políticas federales, destacando la importancia de la causalidad y del contexto, institucional y político, indicando un regreso a un patrón de gobernabilidad que parecía estar enterrado con el plan de estabilización económica en 1994. ; Este artigo analisa o caso brasileiro de centralização federal das receitas do petróleo, para mostrar como as preferências das jurisdições podem direcionar a dinâmica federal por meio de mecanismos federativos do centro. O estudo trabalha abordagens históricas e institucionais que explicam continuidade e mudança nos regimes territoriais. Especificamente, analisamos a perda de poder discricionário no uso de recursos petrolíferos por meio da avaliação de se e como essas mudanças afetaram a aprovação da Lei Nacional 12.858 em 2013, que determinou que o governo federal, estados e municípios devem gastar sua parcela das receitas do petróleo em educação e saúde. Mostramos a forma como as preferências subnacionais afetam as políticas federais, destacando a importância da causalidade e do contexto, institucional e político, indicando um retorno a um padrão de governabilidade que parecia estar enterrado com o plano de estabilização econômica em 1994.
This article analyzes the Brazilian case of federal centralization of oil revenues, to show how jurisdictions' preferences may direct federal dynamics through central federative mechanisms. The study uses historical and institutional approaches that explain continuity and change in territorial regimes. Specifically, we analyse the loss of discretionary power in the use of oil resources through the understanding whether and how these changes affected the approval of National Law 12858 in 2013, which determined that federal government, states, and municipalities should spend their share of oil revenues on education and health. We show the way subnational preferences affect federal policies, highlighting the importance of causality and context, both politically and institutionally, and indicating a return to a governability pattern that seemed to be buried with the economic stabilization plan of 1994. ; Este artículo analiza el caso brasileño de centralización federal de los ingresos petroleros, para mostrar cómo las preferencias de las jurisdicciones pueden dirigir la dinámica federal a través de mecanismos federativos del centro. El estudio trabaja enfoques históricos e institucionales que explican la continuidad y el cambio en los regímenes territoriales. Específicamente, analizamos la pérdida de poder discrecional en el uso de los recursos petroleros evaluando si estos cambios afectaron a la aprobación de la Ley Nacional 12.858 en 2013, que determinó que el gobierno federal, los estados y los municipios deberían gastar su parte de los ingresos petroleros en educación y salud. Mostramos cómo las preferencias subnacionales afectan a las políticas federales, destacando la importancia de la causalidad y del contexto, institucional y político, indicando un regreso a un patrón de gobernabilidad que parecía estar enterrado con el plan de estabilización económica en 1994. ; Este artigo analisa o caso brasileiro de centralização federal das receitas do petróleo, para mostrar como as preferências das jurisdições podem direcionar a dinâmica federal por meio de mecanismos federativos do centro. O estudo trabalha abordagens históricas e institucionais que explicam continuidade e mudança nos regimes territoriais. Especificamente, analisamos a perda de poder discricionário no uso de recursos petrolíferos por meio da avaliação de se e como essas mudanças afetaram a aprovação da Lei Nacional 12.858 em 2013, que determinou que o governo federal, estados e municípios devem gastar sua parcela das receitas do petróleo em educação e saúde. Mostramos a forma como as preferências subnacionais afetam as políticas federais, destacando a importância da causalidade e do contexto, institucional e político, indicando um retorno a um padrão de governabilidade que parecia estar enterrado com o plano de estabilização econômica em 1994.
Scholars have argued that partisanship is the main driving force behind universal social policy, including universal health coverage. This article contributes to this debate by analyzing the Brazilian path to universal health coverage in light of this international social policy literature. The empirical research it features is grounded in the systematization of the literature and the analysis of documents and in‐depth interviews. The analysis shows that the historical and institutional path of federalism, as it intersects with the role of bureaucrats, largely account for the universalization of health care coverage in Brazil. This analysis contributes to the study of social policy universalization by stressing both the limits of partisanship as an explanatory factor and the need to take into account the institutional dynamics of federalism as it interacts with the involvement of bureaucrats in the politics of universality.Related Articles
Bernick, Ethan M., and Nathan Myers. 2012. "." Politics & Policy 40 (): 131‐159. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00340.x/full
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The literature on federalism shows that the coordination of the Brazilian federal government is central to guarantee more consistency in social policies of subnational governments. This article aims to understand the role of intergovernmental relations in municipal education policies. Despite the constitutional determinations of collaboration among federal entities, there are different relationship models between states and municipalities in the education policy. This study is based on the comparison of four states — Ceará, Mato Grosso do Sul, São Paulo, and Pará — with different models of relationship seeking to identify the results in municipal policies. Questionnaires and semi-structured interviews were conducted and the analysis shows that the type of cooperation has implications in institutional and financial capacities, in the coordination of municipal policies, and in the implementation of federal policies. ; La literatura sobre federalismo muestra que la coordinación del gobierno federal es central para garantizar mayor consistencia en las políticas sociales en gobiernos subnacionales. Este artículo busca comprender el rol de las relaciones intergubernamentales en las políticas educacionales locales. La Constitución Federal determinó la colaboración entre los entes, pero hay diferentes modelos de relaciones entre estados y municipios en esta política. Esta investigación se basó en la comparación de cuatro estados — Ceará, Mato Grosso do Sul, São Paulo y Pará — con diferentes modelos de relaciones buscando identificar sus resultados en las políticas municipales. La análisis de cuestionarios y entrevistas semi-estructuradas muestra que la cooperación tiene implicaciones en la capacidad institucional y financiera, en la coordinación de las políticas municipales y en la implementación de políticas federales. ; A literatura sobre federalismo aponta que a coordenação do governo federal tem papel central para garantir maior consistência às políticas sociais dos governos subnacionais. Este artigo buscou compreender o papel das relações intergovernamentais nas políticas municipais de educação. Apesar de a Constituição Federal determinar a colaboração entre os entes federados, há diferentes modelos de relacionamento entre estados e municípios na política educacional. Esta pesquisa comparou quatro estados — Ceará, Mato Grosso do Sul, São Paulo e Pará — com modelos distintos de relacionamento com o objetivo de identificar seus resultados nas políticas municipais. A análise de questionários e entrevistas semiestruturadas mostra que o tipo de cooperação tem implicações na capacidade institucional e financeira, na coordenação das políticas municipais e na implementação de políticas federais.
Despite the relevance of qualitative methods in political science, the process of teaching qualitative research has received relatively little attention in the literature. What is it like to teach qualitative research in political science? This paper focuses on the teaching of qualitative research by exploring examples from Brazil. The country is home to some of the largest higher education providers of political science in Latin America; however, the teaching of appropriate research methods is still incomplete. This paper identifies challenges to qualitative methods education in the country and its evolution. It provides lessons about the teaching of qualitative methods that can be relevant to educators in less institutionalized political science departments, to non-English speaking learners, and to Global South scholars. ; FAPESP
AbstractThis paper analyzes how dynamics between Brazil's right‐wing populist government and civil and uncivil organizations affected the role of civil organizations, especially rights‐based ones, and Brazil's democratization process. These dynamics contributed to stripping policies of their progressive nature and rejecting the values of diversity, freedom, and equality. Our analysis relies on the inhabited institutions approach to comprehend the role of action, interaction, and meaning in institutionalized spaces. We analyzed two policy fields—gender, sexual, and reproductive rights, and ethnic and racial relations—through documents and in‐depth interviews. Our analysis shows that Bolsonaro's government mobilized mechanisms related to institutional changes, the replacement of actors, and their interactions to inhibit civil society organizations' influence in policy formulation and provision and strengthen the participation of uncivil groups, thereby legitimating conservative ideas and discourses, and closing civic space for NGOs with rights‐based agendas.
This article is a case study of Brazil, a country where Catholic-based organizations have historically played a key role in providing education and welfare services. Since the 1980s, these organizations have supported progressive changes at both the national and subnational levels. Nevertheless, the influence of religion on education policy has shifted in the last few decades. Pentecostal and Neopentecostal groups have gained prominence through representatives in the National Congress, and, in 2018, formed a coalition enabling the election of a right-wing populist President. We analyse the trajectory of religious groups' influence on Brazil's education policy over time (colonization to the 1980s, the 1980s to the beginning of the 2000s, and the 2000s until now) through a qualitative-historical analysis of primary and secondary data. This article argues that both Catholic and Protestant groups have influenced progressive changes in Brazil's education policy, but they also share conservative ideas impeding further advances.
In the aftermath of the global COVID-19 crisis, whereas many world leaders enacted swift lockdown orders and robust testing regimes to preserve public health and to speed up economic recovery, Donald Trump in the United States and Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil responded to outbreaks by publicly downplaying the significance of the crisis and argued that overly restrictive health measures would create too sizable an economic risk. These two presidents have done much to weaken democracy and trust in government. In this article, we examine the extent to which two institutions in each country––federalism and the party system––impacted the ways in which they framed the COVID-19 crisis and policy responses to it in 2020, especially during the first months of the pandemic. Our evidence suggests that each of these institutions provided opportunities for both leaders to reconstruct public understandings of the crisis while deflecting blame for negative public-health outcomes.
Background and Purpose: Asymmetry during walking may be explained by impaired interlimb coordination. We examined these associations: (1) propulsive symmetry with interlimb coordination during walking, (2) work symmetry with interlimb coordination during pedaling, and (3) work symmetry and interlimb coordination with clinical impairment. Methods: Nineteen individuals with chronic stroke and 15 controls performed bilateral, lower limb pedaling with a conventional device and a device with a bisected crank and upstroke assistance. Individuals with stroke walked on a split-belt treadmill. Measures of symmetry (%Propulsionwalk, %Workped) and interlimb phase coordination index (PCIwalk, PCIped) were computed. Clinical evaluations were the lower extremity Fugl-Meyer (FMLE) and walking speed. Associations were assessed with Spearman's rank correlations. Results: Participants with stroke displayed asymmetry and impaired interlimb coordination compared with controls (P ≤ 0.001). There were significant correlations between asymmetry and impaired interlimb coordination (walking: R2 = 0.79, P pedaling) or compels paretic limb use (pedaling > walking). Pedaling a device with a bisected crank shaft may have therapeutic value.
O fortalecimento da coordenação nacional, que ocorreu nas últimas décadas no Brasil, resultou na indução à implementação de diversas políticas públicas por governos subnacionais, incluindo aquelas cuja execução envolvia a coordenação entre estados e municípios. No entanto, isso variou entre as políticas. Naquelas com maior coordenação nacional, os governos estaduais assumiram um papel de coordenação regional junto a seus municípios, mas, naquelas com menor indução nacional, prevaleceu uma maior heterogeneidade. Este estudo aprofundará a compreensão sobre a coordenação dos governos estaduais em três políticas - Educação, Saúde e Proteção e Defesa Civil - a partir da análise da influência da coordenação nacional e de fatores dos contextos e dinâmicas subnacionais no desenvolvimento de padrões distintos de coordenação estadual. Os casos escolhidos - Educação (alfabetização) no Ceará, Saúde (AIDS) em São Paulo e Proteção e Defesa Civil (gestão de risco de desastres) no Acre - representam políticas com diferentes graus de coordenação federativa e padrões de coordenação estadual. A análise exploratória e qualitativa de estudos já realizados, de documentos e de entrevistas semi-estruturadas mostra que os padrões de coordenação estadual resultaram das capacidades e legados prévios e da atuação de determinados atores. No entanto, a coordenação nacional foi relevante no caso de São Paulo para a continuidade dessa política ao longo do tempo.
AbstractThis paper contributes to discussions about subnational responses to the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic in federal countries. In the scholarship on federalism and public policy, few studies seek to understand the factors that shape subnational differences in welfare levels. This article seeks to better understand this issue in Brazil by exploring how, in a context with little national-level coordination, subnational governments tackle the inequalities exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. This study analyzes two social policy areas with distinct national-level coordination mechanisms and federal responsibilities: social assistance and education. Two multi-level cases are examined: the states of Amazonas and São Paulo and the cities of Manaus and São Paulo. This analysis relies on quantitative data, mainly social indicators, and qualitative data collected through documents and in-depth interviews. Social assistance and education policy actors in Amazonas and São Paulo faced at times significant obstacles adapting and/or creating policies to tackle inequalities, resulting in a fend-for-yourself federalism and fragmented subnational policies. Differences in subnational responses can be explained by distinct policy legacies and previous capacity, which were key in organizing a useful response to the pandemic. However, to fully explain subnational responses, the role of actors within institutional contexts must also be taken into account. In social assistance, shared responsibilities among different levels of government led to competition and credit claiming dynamics, reinforcing fragmented and uncoordinated responses. In education, decentralization and more stable funding allowed political leadership to activate and mobilize subnational capacities and other actors at the subnational level, producing more sustainable responses.
This article analyzes how federalism has affected policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil. Through historical-institutional analysis, the study examines how the model of federalism adopted by President Bolsonaro's government influenced policy responses to the pandemic in the country. In addition, the research points out the existence of two models of federalism in the case analyzed, addressing the outcomes of the confrontation between them. The first model refers to ideas and institutional structures that have emerged since the 1988 Brazilian Federal Constitution with cooperative features and strong federal coordination. The second, named "Bolsonaro's federalism," is based on a dualistic view of intergovernmental relations with little participation of the federal government in reducing territorial inequalities and supporting subnational governments, while centralizing issues of national importance and adopting a hierarchical stance. The study shows that Bolsonaro's government increased the conflict with subnational governments and jeopardized the coordination of policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. We conclude that healthcare and federative crises go together and raise a key question: what is the importance of governmental coordination to implement policies to respond to the pandemic and its social and economic effects? ; Este artículo analiza cómo el federalismo brasileño ha afectado la lucha contra la COVID-19. A partir de un análisis histórico-institucional del caso brasileño, buscamos comprender cómo el modelo federativo construido por el gobierno de Bolsonaro influyó en las respuestas para combatir la pandemia en el país, así como los resultados de la confrontación de dos modelos federativos en este proceso. Por un lado, el ideario y las estructuras institucionales de la Constitución de 1988 con características cooperativas y una fuerte coordinación federal. Por otro, el federalismo bolsonarista que se basa en una visión dualista de las relaciones intergubernamentales, con menos participación del Gobierno Federal en la reducción de las desigualdades territoriales y en el apoyo a los gobiernos subnacionales, además de la postura centralizadora y jerárquica en materias de impacto nacional. El estudio muestra que el federalismo bolsonarista ha aumentado el conflicto con los gobiernos subnacionales y ha descoordinado las políticas públicas de combate a la pandemia. Se concluye que las crisis sanitaria y federativa van juntas y plantean una cuestión clave: la importancia de la coordinación gubernamental en la implementación de políticas públicas de enfrentamiento a la pandemia y sus efectos sociales y económicos. ; Este artigo analisa como o federalismo brasileiro tem afetado o combate à COVID-19. Tendo por base uma análise histórico-institucional do caso brasileiro, busca-se compreender como o modelo federativo construído pelo governo Bolsonaro influenciou as respostas ao combate da pandemia no país, bem como os resultados do confronto de dois modelos federativos nesse processo. De um lado, o ideário e as estruturas institucionais da Constituição de 1988 com características cooperativas e forte coordenação federal. De outro, o federalismo bolsonarista baseia-se numa visão dualista de relações intergovernamentais, com menor participação da União na redução de desigualdades territoriais e no apoio a governos subnacionais, além da postura centralizadora e hierárquica nas questões de impacto nacional. O estudo mostra que o federalismo bolsonarista aumentou o conflito com governos subnacionais e tem descoordenado políticas públicas de enfrentamento à pandemia. Conclui-se que as crises sanitária e federativa caminham juntas e trazem à tona uma questão chave: a importância da coordenação governamental nas políticas públicas de enfrentamento à pandemia.
La literatura sobre federalismo es muy amplia en términos teóricos y empíricos, no obstante, los estudios han prestado poca atención a la comparación entre las cinco federaciones americanas. Se asume, no siempre con fundamentos suficientes, que el modelo americano es el caso paradigmático de federalismo, de forma que los países latinoamericanos son considerados como desviaciones. Por lo tanto, existe una laguna que será subsanada con este estudio sobre las cinco federaciones americanas, pues a excepción de trabajos que comparan Estados Unidos con algún país latinoamericano o con Canadá, la literatura es carente de un análisis que discuta este tema en forma más amplia. Ese es el principal objetivo de esta obra: ofrecer al lector un análisis comparativo de los cinco países americanos que adoptan la forma federal de organización del Estado nacional: Argentina, Brasil, Canadá, Estados Unidos y México. La brecha existente en este campo de estudios se vuelve aún más pronunciada en vista de los cambios significativos que alteraron la organización política y administrativa de los países latinoamericanos, como la reanudación de la democracia hace tres décadas, principalmente en Argentina y Brasil, más la inclinación autoritaria y centralizadora de otros gobiernos nacionales, como es el caso de México. No menos importantes han sido los cambios en el federalismo americano, que combinan procesos de devolución con la ampliación de la actuación regulatoria. En Canadá, la evolución del modelo político de la federación generó cambios menos profundos. En cualquier caso, para el período que va desde la década de los ochenta hasta la fecha, los cambios en la estructura y funcionamiento de las cinco federaciones han motivado debates entre los estudiosos del tema. Este libro pretende presentar a los investigadores del área temática las principales tendencias en curso sobre ese debate. Las expresiones y conceptos pueden diferir en su forma, pero acaban por expresar una comprensión de los tres procesos que permiten realizar este análisis comparativo: 1) descentralización, considerada como un amplio espectro entre la no centralización hasta la concentración decisoria en la esfera nacional; 2) relaciones intergubernamentales (RIG) y sus arreglos de coordinación y cooperación entre diferentes niveles de gobierno y las políticas públicas inherentes, y 3) procesos de recentralización que, recientemente, asumen matices distintos en cada país estudiado, igualmente distribuidos en un espectro que va desde la ausencia total del modelo hasta la restitución de atribuciones previamente descentralizadas/delegadas/devueltas a los gobiernos subnacionales. En resumen, este libro se justifica por dos razones básicas: se trata del primer esfuerzo académico de comparación sistemática entre las cinco federaciones americanas y, particularmente, organiza ese debate en torno a las tres dimensiones clave sobre las que han orbitado los procesos de cambio o de refuerzo de las características basales de las federaciones americanas.
