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Now available in paperback, this book explores the processes through which nation-building approaches originated and developed over the last seven decades as well as the concepts and motivations that shaped them.Weaving together International Relations theory and a rich history drawing mainly on declassified documents, interviews and other primary sources, this book contributes to theoretical discussions of nation-building while offering a critique of Realist and Critical Security School analyses of US policy in the developing world. Ultimately, the book illuminates lessons relevant to today's nation-building, crisis management, stability, 'good governance' and reconstruction missions

From a military standpoint, the European Union's Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) defies logic. Why would the European allies seek to create a competing military force outside NATO when worried about American isolationism and when unable and unwilling to dedicate the necessary resources? This article suggests an alternative motive behind the European Union's establishment of a defense program—the development and enhancement of a "European identity." In short, the ESDP is designed in no small part to further the project of nation-building in a broadening European Union. This article proposes a social-constructivist framework for analyzing this development.

AbstractThis article examines ambivalence—the simultaneous holding of two or more conflicting values or beliefs about a political issue—among Indonesian citizens' attitudes about vote buying. Using an original survey taken during the 2014 Indonesian elections, we analyse the factors related both to citizens' normative views about vote buying and their willingness to accept gifts from candidates. A large number of citizens demonstrate ambivalence by viewing the practice as unjustified or corrupt and yet expressing willingness to accept money from candidates. We also examine the differential effects of education and income on these attitudes. Consistent with "demand side" theories of vote buying, low income creates economic pressure to accept money but does not influence normative attitudes about vote buying. Education, however, has a broader effect by influencing both normative attitudes and willingness to accept money. We consider implications of these results for Indonesian officials focused on reducing vote-buying behavior.

Purpose of the study: Generally, the purpose of this study is to explain the salience of each form of election for voters. To explain that, this study examines which election is perceived as the most important election for voters, and what matters are considered by voters in each election, especially in the most important election and money politics. Methodology: The data are drawn from a survey of 800 respondents in Central Java during the 2019 Indonesian elections. The survey asked two questions; which election they perceive as the most important election ("what is the most important election for you?"), and what matters they consider when voting for a candidate ("what is your consideration in each election?"). The dataset also includes variables related to money politics. Main Findings: Voters have different importances and considerations in various forms of elections. More voters see the executive election as the most important than the legislative election in every level of election. More voters consider the program in the legislative elections, while more voters consider the figure of candidates in the executive elections. But in more detail, there are various patterns. Applications of this study: Referring to the number of elections in Indonesia, this finding can help the government, electoral commission, or activists to develop better strategies for educating citizens. Also, referring to the widespread money politics in Indonesia, this finding can help them to improve participation and reduce money politics in elections, especially at local levels. Novelty/Originality of this study: Many scholars who talked about the meaning of election or the Importance of election do not explain clearly the possibility of voters having different meanings for different elections, while a voter faces several elections for different positions. This article fills in the literature explanation by discussing the level of elections when understanding the meaning of elections for voters.

While the focus of most research in women's politics has been on the number of legislative seats and explaining the under-representation of women and other marginalized groups, we argue that there also needs to be a greater focus on voters themselves and their attitudes about gender representation in Indonesia. We focus on three broad series of questions. First, gender differences in attitudes about women candidates precisely. Second, gender differences in policy priorities. Third, gender differences in attitudes about one specific aspect of Indonesian elections – money politics or what is sometimes referred to as "vote-buying." The data are drawn from a stratified probability sample of citizens in the Demak and Pati regencies in Central Java, Indonesia. A total of 800 respondents were in the sample, including 55 percent of the sample consisted of women. The finding has some interesting implications in how to understand gender differences in Indonesian politics. Men and women both respond with the correct "rhetoric" view about the importance of women candidates and descriptive representation. Still, both genders shift from the "rhetoric" view to the "logic" view about policies that have a more direct impact on their own lives.

While the focus of most research in women's politics has been on the number of legislative seats and explaining the under-representation of women and other marginalized groups, we argue that there also needs to be a greater focus on voters themselves and their attitudes about gender representation in Indonesia. We focus on three broad series of questions. First, gender differences in attitudes about women candidates precisely. Second, gender differences in policy priorities. Third, gender differences in attitudes about one specific aspect of Indonesian elections – money politics or what is sometimes referred to as "vote-buying." The data are drawn from a stratified probability sample of citizens in the Demak and Pati regencies in Central Java, Indonesia. A total of 800 respondents were in the sample, including 55 percent of the sample consisted of women. The finding has some interesting implications in how to understand gender differences in Indonesian politics. Men and women both respond with the correct "rhetoric" view about the importance of women candidates and descriptive representation. Still, both genders shift from the "rhetoric" view to the "logic" view about policies that have a more direct impact on their own lives.

While the focus of most research in women's politics has been on the number of legislative seats and explaining the under-representation of women and other marginalized groups, we argue that there also needs to be a greater focus on voters themselves and their attitudes about gender representation in Indonesia. We focus on three broad series of questions. First, gender differences in attitudes about women candidates precisely. Second, gender differences in policy priorities. Third, gender differences in attitudes about one specific aspect of Indonesian elections – money politics or what is sometimes referred to as "vote-buying." The data are drawn from a stratified probability sample of citizens in the Demak and Pati regencies in Central Java, Indonesia. A total of 800 respondents were in the sample, including 55 percent of the sample consisted of women. The finding has some interesting implications in how to understand gender differences in Indonesian politics. Men and women both respond with the correct "rhetoric" view about the importance of women candidates and descriptive representation. Still, both genders shift from the "rhetoric" view to the "logic" view about policies that have a more direct impact on their own lives.