Suchergebnisse

Bombardovanje Jugoslavije 1999. godine izazvalo je kontroverzna pitanja vezana za legitimnost, opravdanje svrhe, efikasnost i uticaj na zdravlje građana Srbije. Upečatljiv nedostatak jasnog i nedvosmislenog zajedničkog naučnog stava o uticaju i štetnosti upotrebe oružja sa osiromašenim uranijumom (DU - depleted uranium), kao i nedostatak jasnog političkog i pravnog stava međunarodnih i nacionalnih institucija, decenijama su podsticale javno mnjenje, povećavajući dvosmislenosti u rešavanju ovog izuzetno važnog pitanja. Očigledno je da će, bez dovoljnog i pouzdanog istraživanja o dugoročnom uticaju bombardovanja sa ovim oružjem, biti veoma teško oblikovati utemeljenu i verodostojnu međunarodnu politiku u vezi sa upotrebom oružja sa osiromašenim uranijumom. Štaviše, to će izazvati konflikte i povećati "javnu maglu" u kojoj neće biti moguće predstaviti objektivni obim štete i neće biti moguće dokazati ili odbaciti ako se oružje sa osiromašenim uranijumom zabrani. U slučaju Savezne Republike Jugoslavije, skoro 20 godina nakon bombardovanja, srpska vlada je uspostavila Komisiju sa ciljem procene ukupnog uticaja bombardovanja Srbije sa DU. Tokom ove dve decenije, izgubljene su šanse da se građani i područja koja su bila izložena DU temeljno i kontinuirano prate, uprkos činjenici da je bombardovanje SRJ bilo prvi slučaj u kome je NATO bio prinuđen da javno potvrdi upotrebu municije sa DU. Rad se bavi pitanjem: Kako je izgrađeno javno mnjenje u odsustvu pouzdanih podataka? Teorijska pozadina u ovom pristupu zasniva se na teorijama javnog mnjenja koje pretpostavljaju da se "pojedinci ne okreću medijima primarno zbog istine ili informacija, oni se okreću medijima kako bi sami sebi definisali društvenu stvarnost" (Moy & Bosch, 2013). To znači da je javno mnjenje, a posebno javno mišljenje o kontroverznim pitanjima koja nisu predstavljena na transparentan i objektivan način, izgrađena na stereotipima uokvirenim političkim pretpostavkama i afinitetima, bez jasne razlike između činjenica i preferencija. U radu je prikazan rezultat onlajn ankete sprovedene na uzorku od 534 građana Srbije, u kojoj smo pokušali da koristimo gore pomenuti pristup kao hipotezu i da je operacionalizujemo i dokažemo. Rezultati pokazuju da stav o štetnom uticaju oružja DU u velikoj meri zavisi od političke sklonosti ispitanika prema Istoku ili Zapadu i njihovih pogleda na to kako bi trebalo rešiti krizu na Kosovu. Takođe je snažno povezana sa njihovom pozitivnom / negativnom identifikacijom sa srpskim nacionalnim identitetom. ; The bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999 has raised controversial questions concerning its legitimacy, justification, efficacy, and its impact on the health of Serbia's citizens. A striking lack of a clear and unambiguous common scientific attitude concerning the impact and harm of employing DU weapons, together with the absence of a clear political and legal attitude of international and national institutions, have been stirring up public opinion for decades, magnifying the ambiguity in dealing with this extremely important issue. It is obvious that, without sufficient and reliable research into the long-term impact of bombing with DU munitions, it will be very difficult to shape a grounded and plausible international policy concerning the usage of depleted uranium weapons. Moreover, it will provoke conflicts and increase 'the public fog' making it impossible to present an objective scope of damage and prove or refute the argument that DU weapons should be banned. In the case of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, almost 20 years after the bombing, the Serbian government established a Commission aimed at estimating the overall impact of DU 'bombing' of Serbia. During these two decades, the chances of a thorough and continual monitoring of the citizens and areas which had been exposed to DU were missed, in spite of the fact that the bombing of the FRY was the first case in which NATO had been forced to publicly confirm their usage of DU munitions. The paper addresses the following question: How is public opinion built in the absence of reliable data? The theoretical background in this approach is based on the theories of public opinion which assume that "individuals turned to the media to help themselves define social reality." (Moy & Bosch, 2013). This means that public opinion, particularly public opinion on controversial issues which are not presented in a transparent and objective way, is built on stereotypes framed by political assumptions and affinities, without making a clear distinction between facts and preferences. The paper presents the results of an online survey conducted on the sample of 534 Serbian citizens, in which we tried to use the above-mentioned approach as a hypothesis and to operationalize and prove it. The results show that attitudes toward the harmful effects of DU munitions depend greatly on the respondents' political affinities for the East or the West and their views on how the Kosovo crisis should be resolved. It also correlates significantly to their positive/negative identification with the Serbian national identity.

The paper deals with the issue of the fragile connection between social sciences, humanistic sciences and feminism, arguing in favor of their closer mutual influence. In the framework of this approach, paper presents the results of the part of the research "Politics of Parenthood", based on the feminist approach. The paper analyzes the delivery (giving birth) as an important ritual in the life cycle of the largest number of women, through which power relations in society manifest, and women are subdued. Research on the issue of violence against women during delivery is part of the broader research dealing with the social construction of women's bodily experience and female body as a social resource, in the processes that reflect and at the same create gender inequality.

Ulična mreža grada i nazivi ulica predstavljaju strukturalni javni simbolički sistem koji karakteriše čitljivost. Ona gradu daje identitet, jasno je podeljena u značajnije i manje značajne zone različite namene i stepena komunikativnosti i eksplicitno je povezana sa javnim evociranjem memorije - sa kolektivnim sećanjem i državnom ideologijom. Polazeći od toga, ovde su analizirani nazivi ulica u Beogradu dobijeni po imenima žena. Analizirano je kako u strukturalnom smislu ulična mreža Beograda na simboličkoj ravni (kroz nazive ulica i njihovu distribuciju u strukturi ulične mreže) izražava rodnu raspodelu moći u javnom prostoru - kroz odnos centra i periferije opština i grada u celini, kroz analizu različitih gradskih zona kroz koje se može pratiti 'racionalizacija političke dominacije' - delovi grada u kojem su locirane rezidencije stranih zemalja, ambasade i konzulati reprezentativne i privatne, kao i zona koje pripadaju različitim socijalnim stratumima - višim i nižim slojevima, kao i kroz analizu zona različitog komunikativnog kapaciteta (određenih strukturom ulične mreže). Ova analiza jasno ukazuje na distinktivne, mada implicitno ugrađene razlike u distribuciji moći i ugleda u socijalnoj organizaciji prostora na rodnoj osnovi. Ulica koje su dobile imena po ženama ima veoma malo i zauzimaju marginalne položaje u strukturi ulične mreže - to su mahom periferne, manje ulice, koje su u znatnom procentu čak slepe. Istovremeno, dinamika promena naziva ulica u poslednjoj deceniji vodila je defavorizovanju imena iz NOB-a i afirmisanju istorijskih likova žena iz XIX veka, izražavajući kroz to na direktan način promenu ideologije i potrebu klasa i slojeva koji danas nastoje da učvrste svoj društveni položaj i uticaj za promenom slike o istoriji u funkciji sopstvenog legitimizovanja. ; The street city network and the street names represent structural public symbolic system which is characterized by readability. This readability gives identity; the city is clearly divided in significant and less significant zones used for different purposes with different levels of communicativity. It is explicitly connected with public memory evocation- with collective memory and the state ideology. Having that in mind, the names of streets in Belgrade given by female names will be analyzed. It is analyzed how it is in structural manner the street network in Belgrade on symbolic level (through the names of streets and their distribution in the street network structure) expresses gender based distribution of power in the public space- using relation between the center and periphery in certain municipalities and the city as a whole. Investigating different city zones, it can be showed 'rationalization of political domination' - the parts of the city where the residencies of foreign countries, embassies and consulates are situated, representative and private, as well as zones which belong to different social stratums - higher and lower layers, which are also the zones of different communicative capacity (determinated by the structure of street network). This analysis clearly points out on distinctive, even though implicitly inherited difference in power distribution and gender based standings in social organization of the space. Streets which got the name by women are very few and they occupy marginal positions in the street network structure - they are mostly peripheral, smaller streets, which are in high percent dead end streets. In the same time, the dynamics of the change of the street names in the last decade is not in favor of the names from National Liberation Army (NOB). Street name change affirms historical females characters from XIX century, expressing on the direct way the ideological change and the need of classes and stratums which tend to establish their social position today and their influence on the changing the view on history in order to consolidate their own legitimization.

Tekst se bavi problemom teorijskog utemeljenja materinstva kao feminističkog političkog pojma i društvenim praksama i modelima jačanja materinstva i roditeljstva u modernim državama, sa posebnim osvrtom na politike podrške i realni društveni status materinstva u Srbiji danas. Opšti trend u tekućim promenama jeste razdvajanje populacione od socijalne komponente u planiranju porodice, sa tendencijom pogoršanja društvenog statusa roditeljstva i materinstva, uz istovremeno jačanje ideja i zakonskog okvira vezanog eksplicitno za ravnopravnost žena, što doprinosi njihovoj neefekasnosti. Nedavne izmene i donošenje novih zakona kojima se reguliše roditeljstvo i reproduktivnost žena u celini su prilagođeni neoliberalnoj tranzicionoj transformaciji Srbije i vode pogoršanju društvenog položaja žena. Kao odgovor, u širem društvu su ojačane nacionalističke i patrijarhalne politike porodice. U tekstu se ističe značaj istraživanja ženskog iskustva i potreba žena vezanih za njihovu reproduktivnost i roditeljstvo, kao neophodnih polazišta za razvijanje adekvatnih politika u širem društvu. ; The paper deals with the problem of the theoretical exploration of maternity and motherhood as a feminist political idea and includes the overview of the social practices and methods aimed at strengthening maternity and parenting in modern states, emphasizing the issue of the political support and social status of motherhood in Serbia today. The general trend in current changes is the separation of the population policy from the social policy of family planning, and deterioration of the social status of parenthood and motherhood, while the formal legal framework and ideas for improving the gender equality has been nominally improved, which contributes to their impracticability. Recent changes and adoption of new laws dealing with family and parenthood are fully adapted to the neoliberal transformation of Serbia, within which the social position of women is getting worse. In response, nationalist and patriarchal family policy are reinforced in the broader society. The article highlights the importance of examining women's experiences and needs of women related to their reproduction and maternity, as a necessary starting point for developing appropriate policies in the wider society.

Diskurs koji se danas smatra stručnim i naučnim razmatranjem o ratu - legitimnim znanjem o ratu, naukom i teorijom o ratu - suzio se na ratnu veštinu i tehnologiju ratovanja, postavši dužnost i privilegija 'zelenih okovratnika', oblast rezervisana za poseban vojno-tehnokratski, visoko stručni, profesionalni i komandujući sloj unutar društva, koji deluje zajedno sa političkim i ekonomskim elitama, tvoreći spregu moći koju Mills naziva triumviratom savremenog kapitalističkog društva. Mogućnost javnog prodora i civilne kritike vojne politike i strategije vođenja rata danas je svedena na minimum, mada se ratovi sve više proširuju na sektor civilnog društva. Proučavanje društvenog konteksta i političke pozadine naizgled usko stručnih vojnih razmatranja koja čine polje specijalnog znanja namenjenog 'epoletama', pruža nam uvide u to kako se ideološki uokviruje i naturalizuje predstava o potrebi vođenja rata danas u funkciji 'demokratizacije' sveta i menja slika o mestu i ulozi čoveka u njemu, kako opada odgovornost za civilne žrtve u ratu i kako se građani pacifikuju za lojalno prihvatanje ratova koji se vode u ime njihovih država. ; Current scientific and scholarly discourse on war, which represents the legitimate knowledge and theory on war today, has been narrowed to the topics and issues related to war doctrine and technology of war. It has become reserved for the privileged 'green collars', highly skilled professionals and officers inside the military structure, which act in cooperation with the political and economic elites, forming the triumvirate of power in contemporary world. The opportunities for civil critique of military politics and strategies of wars have been decreased enormously, in spite of the fact that contemporary wars have spread deeply into the civil sector of society. By looking into the social context and political background of the knowledge reserved for the military experts, we can develop insights into the process of the ideological framing of wars today, marked by naturalization and purposeful interpretations of wars, as if they are fought in the name of democratization of global world. At the same time, the image of the importance of human factor in war has been decreased, as much as responsibility for causalities. Citizens have been pacified for the silent acceptance of military politics promoted in their countries.

Rad se bavi političkim implikacijama feminističke revizije psihoanalize u radovima glavnih predstavnica francuskog feminističkog poststrukturalizma nastalog sedamdesetih godina prošlog veka i njihovom političkom aktuelnošću danas. Rad se bavi uticajem i modifikacijama Lacanovog tumačenja imaginarne strukture ega i jezičke strukture nesvesnog na objašnjenja odnosa pola i identiteta kod Julije Kristeve, Luce Irigaray i Héléne Cixous. Francuski poststrukturalistički feminizam, koji se razvija sedamdesetih godina XX veka, predstavljao je drugu osnovnu struju u francuskom feminizmu tog vremena, različitu i donekle suprotstavljenu pristupu Simone de Beauvoir. Dok se Simone de Beauvoir bavi 'ženskom situacijom' određenom društveno istorijskim okolnostima, francuske feministkinje poststrukturalističkog usmerenja bavile su se problemima nesvesnog psihološkog strukturisanja ženskog identiteta, ženskom psihoseksualnošću, teorijskim implikacijama rodnih vizura stvarnosti, posebno u sferi filozofije, semiologije i psihologije i otvaranjem novih diskurzivnih mogućnosti samoizražavanja žena i ženskosti, putem 'ženskog pisma'. Političke implikacije njihovog pristupa do danas se smatraju kontroverznim. Ove autorke su kritikovane zbog izmeštanja ženskog aktivizma u sferu jezika i teorije, kao i zbog ponovnog učvršćivanja i uvođenja pojma ženske prirode i njenog mitopoetizovanja. Polemika o tome da li nam je potreban pojam ženske prirode i ako da, kakav, te kakav je odnos između teorije i političkog aktivizma, vodila je razdvajanju tzv. 'esencijalističkih' i 'antiesencijalističkih' pristupa u feminističkoj teoriji i potonjoj podeli na američku (neesencijalističku) i francusku (delimimično etiketiranu kao esencijalističku) struju. U velikoj meri pojednostavljena, ova podela previđa i neke konkretne istorijske okolnosti koje su dovele do razdvajanja 'materijalističke' i 'lingvističke' feminističke struje u Francuskoj tog vremena. ; The paper discusses political implications of the feminist revision of psychoanalysis in the works of major representatives of 1970s French poststructuralism, and their current significance. The influence and modifications of Lacan's interpretation of imaginary structure of the Ego and linguistic structure of the unconscious on explanations of the relations between gender and identity developed by Julia Kristeva, Luce Irigaray and Héléne Cixous are examined. French poststructuralist feminism, developing in the 1970s, was the second major current in French feminism of the times, different from and in a way opposed to Simone de Beauvoir's approach. While de Beauvoir explores 'women's condition' determined by social and historical circumstances, French feminists of poststructuralist persuasion engage with problems of unconscious psychological structuring of feminine identity, women's psychosexuality, theoretical implications of gendered visions of reality, especially in philosophy, semiology and psychology, as well as opening up new discursive possibilities of women's and feminine self-expression through 'women's writing'. Political implications of their approach have remained controversial to this day. These authors have been criticized for dislocating women's activism into the sphere of language and theory, as well as for reasserting the concept of women's nature. Debates over whether we need the concept of women's nature - and if yes, what kind - and over the relation between theory and political activism, have resulted in the split between the so-called 'essentialist' and 'anti-essentialist' approaches in feminist theory, and the subsequent division into American (non-essentialist) and French (partly labeled as essentialist) strands. The division is an oversimplification and overlooks concrete historical circumstances that produced the divergence between 'materialist' and 'linguistic' currents in France.

Uvođenje poetike u polje antropologije, koje se najavljuje kod Nietzschea, a ostvaruje kroz radove Bachelarda i Bataillea i nastavlja unutar post-strukturalizma, vodilo je preispitivanju granica te discipline, kao i primerenosti samih modela znanja koji se unutar nje podrazumevaju i na kojima je konstituisana. U tekstu je kroz pristupe više autora pokazano kako se može uspostaviti ili porušiti most između racionalnog i iracionalnog u antropologiji (kroz pojmove polariteta, diskontinuiteta, nadomeštanja suspenzije, transgresije, diseminacije) i sa kakvim teorijskim i političkim implikacijama. ; The entering of poetics into the field of anthropology, intimated by Nietzsche (through his critique of anthropocentrism), introduced by Bachelard and Bataille and continued in the framework of poststructuralism has influenced the scope and the models of knowledge traditionally related to anthropology, by reexamining and changing them. This influence is researched through the analysis of several authors, discussing the political aspects of their writings at the same time. Their notions of polarity, discontinuity, suspension, transgression and dissemination make visible possible directions of transformation of anthropology.

Postmodernizam kao pojam obuhvata promene u kulturi, društvenim i ekonomskim odnosima i u načinu razmišljanja koje su vezane za ulazak u post-industrijsko društvo i u eru informacija. Osnovna karakteristika tog prelaska u načinu razmišljanja vezana je za prevlast znakova nad stvarnošću, odnosno nad objektima na koje mišljenje referira kao na polja istinitog iskustva. Autonomnost znakovnih sadržaja (simboličkih zajednica, društvenih i kulturnih praksi kojima je cilj konstrukcija stvarnosti, prevlast tehnologije i inženjeringa u svim sektorima života, kult želje, odnosno potrošačke kulture itd.) nameće potrebu za preispitivanje i menjanje osnovnih kategorija kojima operiše društvena misao. U antropologiji, reč je o preispitivanju ili dekonstrukciji osnovnih pojmova (čovek, evolucija, progres, priroda, kultura, tradicija, pol.) u pravcu kritike njihovog metafizičkog diskurzivnog utemeljenja i ukazivanja na političke aspekte takvog mišljenja. U radu se dovodi u pitanje teza da kritika antropocentrizma može da otvori nove i humanije povesne horizonte u društvenoj misli. Osnovna teza autorke je da je upravo 'antropocentrizam', shvaćen kao etičko i odgovorno mišljenje, bazirano na objedinjavanju praxisa, phronesisa i doxe, preduslov dekonstrukcije diskursa moći danas. ; The notion of postmodernism concerns changes in culture, social and economic relationships and ways of thinking related to post-industrial society and information epoch. The main feature of the changes in the sphere of thinking concerns supremacy of signs over reality, that is, over objects which thinking refers to as a field of true experience. Autonomy of signs (symbolic communities, social and cultural practices aimed at construction of reality, domination of technology and engineering in all sectors of life, cult of desire in regard to consumer culture) makes necessary rethinking over basic categories (man, evolution, progress, nature, culture, tradition, sex), with the purpose to criticize their metaphysical discursive background and to point to political aspects of such thinking. The standpoint from which the critique of anthropocentrism opens new and more human horizons in social thought today is questioned in the article. The author argues that 'anthropocentrism', as ethical and responsible attitude, based on connection between praxis, phronesis and doxa, is actually prerequisite to deconstruction of power discourse today.