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Preferences and Procedures presents and tests game-theoretic models of European Union legislative decision-making. It is inspired by the idea of linking statistical testing strategies firmly to formal models of EU policymaking. After describing salient features of the EU legislative process and comparing different models of how the EU negotiates new legislative measures, the models' predictive power is evaluated. On a more general level, Preferences and Procedures answers questions regarding the empirically recognizable effects of institutional arrangements on joint bargaining outcomes.

Focusing on recent studies of European Union legislative decision-making, this research note evaluates the current literature that attempts to improve the explanatory power of bargaining models by integrating game-theoretic spatial models with micro-level data gained from expert interviews or from document analyses.

Focusing on recent studies of European Union legislative decision-making, this research note evaluates the current literature that attempts to improve the explanatory power of bargaining models by integrating game-theoretic spatial models with micro-level data gained from expert interviews or from document analyses. 18 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright 2005.]

In this article I test spatial models of European Union (EU) legislative decisionmaking regarding the dimensionality of the policy space. After clarifying the concept of dimensionality, I review the existing literature. I then map out possible ways to test these models based on different dimensionality assumptions. Using quantitative data on actor positions for EU legislative politics, I .rst employ dimension-reducing techniques. The results show that this technique is not appropriate for generating a decreased number of underlying dimensions for the data at hand and that a one- or two-dimensional European policy space cannot be detected. Shifting to more theory-based analysis, I calculate the predicted outcomes for voting models of the EU under different spatial con.gurations. The findings show that the formal models' predictive power increases with the use of multi-dimensional policy spaces. I conclude by interpreting these findings in the light of a more general debate on evaluating the decision space assumed bymodels of group decision-making.

In this article I test spatial models of European Union (EU) legislative decision-making regarding the dimensionality of the policy space. After clarifying the concept of dimensionality, I review the existing literature. I then map out possible ways to test these models based on different dimensionality assumptions. Using quantitative data on actor positions for EU legislative politics, I first employ dimension-reducing techniques. The results show that this technique is not appropriate for generating a decreased number of underlying dimensions for the data at hand & that a one- or two-dimensional European policy space cannot be detected. Shifting to more theory-based analysis, I calculate the predicted outcomes for voting models of the EU under different spatial configurations. The findings show that the formal models' predictive power increases with the use of multi-dimensional policy spaces. I conclude by interpreting these findings in the light of a more general debate on evaluating the decision space assumed by models of group decision-making. 1 Table, 3 Figures, 1 Appendix, 40 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright 2004.]

Über den Einfluss sozialer Isolation und des Internets auf die Radikalisierung von rechtsextremistischen Lone Actor Terroristen liegen bislang kaum theoretische und empirische Erkenntnisse vor, sodass die Untersuchung an dieser Forschungslücke anknüpft. Auf Basis einer vergleichenden Fallstudie werden praxisnah neue theoretische Erkenntnisse über die Wirkmechanismen der beiden Radikalisierungsfaktoren gewonnen. Insbesondere Online-Plattformen mit radikalen Communities spielen eine zentrale Rolle und können sowohl bei sozial isolierten als auch bei integrierten Einzeltätern gruppenbasierte Radikalisierungsprozesse initiieren. Der Inhalt Einleitung.- Theoretisches Konzept des Lone Actor Terrorismus.- Rechtsextremistischer Lone Actor Terrorismus.- Stand der Forschung zur Radikalisierung von Lone Actor Terroristen.- Das Sample der Fallstudie.- Vergleichende Fallstudie.- Fazit, Diskussion und Ausblick Die Zielgruppen Terrorismus- und Radikalisierungsforscher*innen, Praktiker im Bereich der Polizei, Sicherheitsbehörden und Radikalisierungsprävention Die Autor*innen Stephanie Ohlrogge hat Germanisik und Politik-Wirtschaft studiert und als studentische Hilfskraft am Institut für Sozialwissenschaften der Carl von Ossietzky Universität Oldenburg gearbeitet. Dr. Torsten Jörg Selck ist Professor für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft am Institut für Sozialwissenschaften der Carl von Ossietzky Universität Oldenburg.

How Do We Detect Value Judgements in Textbooks? A Proposal, from the Field of Political Sciences, to Analyse Textbooks Quantitatively with Reference to the Example of European IntegrationDas Aufdecken und Analysieren von normativen Wertungen ist eine wichtige Aufgabe der Schulbuchforschung, der es jedoch bislang an geeigneten Verfahren mangelte, um reliable und valide Ergebnisse hervorzubringen. Allzu oft sind Schulbuchanalysen deskriptiv und subjektiv. Dieser Aufsatz erörtert das Potenzial der computerunterstützten quantitativen Inhaltsanalyse, um dieses Problem zu beheben. Basierend auf politikwissenschaftlichen Untersuchungen argumentieren wir, dass sich vor allem das Softwarepaket "Wordfish" als Verfahren für die Analyse von Autorentexten hierfür anbieten würde.

Debate has raged over the extent to which New Labour has succeeded in incorporating an ethical dimension in British foreign policy. The assumption has been that New Labour at least changed the context of foreign policy by adopting a more moralistic language. However, there has been no attempt as yet to show this statistically. Using computer-assisted content analysis of Margaret Thatcher's, Robin Cook's and Tony Blair's foreign policy speeches, and assuming that Blair, as opposed to Cook, is the representative voice of New Labour, this research finds that New Labour has indeed changed the context significantly. However, this change did not occur until after the events of 9/11.