Suchergebnisse

In 1946 Juan Perón launched a populist challenge to the United States, recruiting an army of labor activists to serve as worker attachés at every Argentine embassy. By 1955, over five hundred would serve, representing the largest presence of blue-collar workers in the foreign service of any country in history. A meatpacking union leader taught striking workers in Chicago about rising salaries under Perón. A railroad motorist joined the revolution in Bolivia. A baker showed Soviet workers the daily caloric intake of their Argentine counterparts. As Ambassadors of the Working Class shows, the attachés' struggle against US diplomats in Latin America turned the region into a Cold War battlefield for the hearts of the working classes. In this context, Ernesto Semán reveals, for example, how the attachés' brand of transnational populism offered Fidel Castro and Che Guevara their last chance at mass politics before their embrace of revolutionary violence. Fiercely opposed by Washington, the attachés' project foundered, but not before US policymakers used their opposition to Peronism to rehearse arguments against the New Deal's legacies. ; https://scholarship.richmond.edu/bookshelf/1268/thumbnail.jpg

Según el relato noticioso, Ronald Reagan estaba mirando par la ventana del Salón Oval de la Casa Blanca cuando entró Elliot Abrams, su subsecretario de Estado para America Latina. Era en el 84, Estados Unidos se enfervorizaba por borrar del mapa al gobierno sandinista de Nicaragua, financiando cuanto sátrapa le propusiera una incursión militar. Una pasión por la desigualdad de oportunidades, diría cualquiera. Abrams traía noticias. En el norte de Nicaragua, donde peleaban con la Contra, las sandinistas habían derribado por error un helicóptero cargado de periodistas. Ocha muertos.

nada puede ser más parecido a un campo de concentración que el útero, con sus paraedes húmedas y rugasas, los ruidos de aguera asordinados, la luz que apenas llega. Carecemos de voluntad propia y de su ejercicio. Nuestro destino sujeto a fuerzas que imaginamos, sin saber cuándo ni porqué. Para los que vengan, en el muro oscuro con la punta del mango de una cuchara tallaría hasta hacerlas chillar: «Acá estuvo durante nueve meses Heraldo Dornou. No sabemos adónde nos lleban ni qué será de nosotros desde hoy. Marzo 1976 ¡Hasta siempre¡».

An account of Fernando de la Rua's successful presidential campaign in Argentina in 1999. ; https://scholarship.richmond.edu/bookshelf/1224/thumbnail.jpg

A developmental state is both a theoretical construct and a description of the political economy of certain nations, primarily in East Asia, over a specified time period. Theoretically, a developmental state is a particular type of state with a high degree of autonomy and solid institutional competence, allowing it to undertake a series of effective state-interventionist policies in pursuit of developmental objectives. Statism and state autonomy underpin the conceptual framework of the developmental state. The developmental state defied the neoclassical orthodoxy in development economics. Despite lacking the attributes of the mainstream neoclassical consensus in development economics and facing an uphill battle from such institutions, developmental states in various regions of the world have achieved high levels of economic growth. This study seeks to investigate the developmental state trajectories of Mauritius in relation to vital elements of developmental states. In an effort to do so, this study poses the following question: "What accounts for Mauritius' development state success in Africa?". By looking at the link between institutional building and economic performance, the study finds that Mauritius has replicated key developmental state institutions, including embedded and autonomous bureaucracy, making it one of Africa's most successful developmental states.

Integration is a process to create national identity in a society which is differs in culture, social matter, location that live in a political unit. The concept of national integration is actually a broad concept. From sociological perspective, the process of understanding can be explained as integration, as in political integration resulted from the efforts in cooperating and uniting the parties that have followers with various ideological background. The national integration process happens as the result of the needs to strengthen the harmony and security for a sovereign country. Malaysia, however, has taken several concrete steps to bridge the diversity in ideology, politics, economy, and social matter, along with the efforts towards educational system. History education had been made as the main choice in Malaysia in order to realize the goal of teaching political value as well as its importance. History also plays a role in improving socialization and awareness towards politics within the young generation, as well as strengthening nationalism as an important element to build a good citizenship. History education should be able to foster national integration and national development. The awareness towards historical heritage is important to foster group identity that later may form the sense of belonging, love, empathy and loyalty. The development on history education in Malaysia shows that the subject of history has been made as a bridge in achieving the above goal (KPM, 2003) namely to foster the loyalty and identity as the citizen of Malaysia and as the member of the world society. Multicultural perspective is important to be delivered in history education so that every ethnic will be pround and respected. Multiculturality and diversity should be considered as a potential to foster diversity into national integration. History may also build an understanding and respect as well as explores other ethnic cultures as to find similarities that can be accepted nationally to build tolerant and to prevent clash among ethnics in Malaysia in the future time.

El crecimiento del pentecostalismo en Argentina tiene sentido político, pero no electoral. En este artículo analizamos los supuestos que refuerzan la investigación de su valor electoral y exponemos las razones que incitan a un giro analítico: el que subraya su carácter de canalizador de un cambio de relaciones de fuerza social en el campo religioso. ; The article statesthat Pentecostal growth in Argentina has political, but not electoral, relevance. The commonplace assumptions that insist on its electoral value are examined and reasons calling for a new interpretive turn are presented: Pentecostalism, it is argued,is causing a change in the set of power relations that structure the religious field. ; Fil: Seman, Pablo Federico. Universidad Nacional de San Martín; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina