Suchergebnisse

Le but de cet essai est de retracer la genèse et l'évolution du Service européen d'action extérieure (seae) en les replaçant au coeur du processus de simplification des traités, qui a abouti au traité de Lisbonne et à l'émergence de trois nouveautés qui renforcent la gouvernance de l'ue : la figure du président du Conseil européen, celle du haut représentant pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité, appuyé par un important seae et la reconnaissance de la personnalité juridique de l'ue. La deuxième partie du texte vise à définir les stratégies plausibles pour l'Europe dans la conjoncture politique actuelle et d'indiquer les principaux thèmes de réflexion pour les analystes et les décideurs européens dans le cadre d'un système multipolaire en devenir.

The aim of this essay is to deal with the creation and the evolution of the European External Action Service (EEAS), by replacing them in the simplification process of European Treaties, which led to the Lisbon Treaty and the apparition of three novelties reinforcing EU governance: the President of the European Council, the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, helped with an important EEAS and the legal personality of the EU. The second part of the text tries to identify potential strategies for Europe within the current political conjuncture and indicates main topics for analysts and European decision-makers within the framework of an incoming multipolar system. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyses the systemic, geopolitical and strategic implications of recent changes in the world and suggests the elements of a European global strategy. Identifying the Indian Ocean as the 'geographical fulcrum of the twenty-first century', the author believes the region is an unnoticed but vital space where Europe must be present. Europe's political unity, he maintains, will not happen peacefully or through consensus, but of necessity and via an alliance of 'volunteers'. It will be more Bismarckian than federalist. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the post-Cold War international arena thoroughly, be delineating one by one Us different systemic, geopolitical, hegemonic, and strategic metamorphoses. The emergence of a fragmented transnational subsystem — the social component of the international System — has made this era fertile ground for third-wave conflicts, i.e. cultural conflicts or shocks between civilizations. The lack of any recognized leadership and the collective exercise of the system's governability may lead one to observe that armed violence is being waged by means other than those of major inter-state wars. In such a context, one may deduce that emphasis on the concept of collective security is working to the detriment of defence-minded thinking and to the benefit of strategies for active and very early conflict prevention. The entire realm of strategy is thus open to a wide-ranging, Worldwide arena. The main consequences have been an end to the old custodial arrangements of geopolitics, thereby transforming NATO in Europe, and a renewed activism in Asia, where the trend is towards creation of a specific security subsystem. These transformations of the international System have brought about metamorphoses in the notions of enemy, boundary, conflict, and power. Such changes also highlight the « rationality deficit » now affecting the System and the proliferation of the notion of « meaning », which is everywhere lacking in consistency. The shifting of the security dilemma to the subnational, internal level has accordingly resulted from the breakup of nations and the decolonization of empires. The author concludes that it may prove useful, even valuable, to try and identify the normative elements of the post-Cold War international System and to outline, however imperfectly, the new distribution of international power. The reader will also find afresh look at the doctrinal debate about international System theory and about the epistemology of the discipline that deals with it.

The emergence and evolution of the literature dealing with interdependence in the international System is looked into. An attempt is made to show its significance and main points as well as its implications. The debates on interdependence within the North-American political context are regarded as solutions to the preceding issues on dependence. Interesting passages are dedicated to the impact of the interdependence theory on the interpretation of the international system, as illustrated by two schools of thought in foreign policy (Kissinger-Brzezinski). Linkage of the tactical and strategic aspects to the economic and political interrelation of international relations, as put forward by policy makers, has brought to the fore the difficulties and limits of negotiation in the face of competition and in the aftermath of confrontation. This paper offers subtle, yet positive, conclusions on the use of the interdependance theory in international policy.