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AbstractThis article discusses the shifts in rights over land of Binjhal Adivasi people in the wake of colonial rule in the ex-zamindari of Borasambar, located in the British Central Provinces in the eventful period from 1860–1926. Oral narratives and documents preserved by Binjhal villagers juxtaposed with archived records of military expeditions, village surveys, administrative letters, and land settlement reports reveal how Binjhal ancestors lost titled land and offices of headmanship, which, over time, impoverished and diminished them in the rural hierarchy. The research finds that the codification of selective custom as legal rights accommodated colonial land policies to promote social change and agricultural improvement. Environmental histories document how nineteenth-century forest enclosures and agrarian order brought Adivasi areas within state control. Revisionist research highlights historically contingent outcomes of colonial rule. The Adivasi pasts in this article reveal how the interpretations of legal culture by local actors, who transacted with the administration, led to variable outcomes for a pre-colonial land-controlling group. By examining the truth claims in fragments of Binjhal voices and narratives about them, in village memories and archives, through a threefold examination of the past—pragmatic, habitual, and episodic—this article explores the historicity of Adivasi land memories. Here, stories of past glory lead to claims of legal entitlements rather than restitution of ancient rule, and injustices are described in the idiom of disrupted kinship and transgressions of women, illuminating the varied routes through which groups residing in relatively non-agrarian upland habitats became Adivasi.

Abstract
Social Policy is concerned with minimising poverty and inequality through redistribution of goods and services. In the twentieth century, after the Second World War, European parliamentary democracies enlarged its ambit by making social policy an important instrument to create equality setting the benchmark for other countries. For the new independent countries in the global South, such as India, social policy followed different trajectories. In the aftermath of independence, India relied on preventive instruments to address the effects of famine, de-industrialisation and high levels of deprivation. Despite achieving high economic growth and rapid poverty reduction in the following decades, its dependence on targeted poverty reduction programme has remained. Recently, there has been some attempt to replace these strategies by rights-based programmes supported by legal framework advocated by civil society groups. Through a case study of The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 (referred to as FRA 2006), this article analyses the successes and failures in realising the goal of linking welfare provisions with the ideas of social citizenship and democratic rights. The article finds widening gulf in the interests of state actors and local community arising from the compromised interpretation of the social justice vision enshrined in FRA.

As countries shore up existing safeguards to address the social and economic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, India faces a humanitarian disaster of unprecedented proportions. Ninety per cent of the Indian workforce is employed in the unorganised sector; uncounted millions work in urban areas at great distances from rural homes. When the Government of India (GOI) announced the sudden 'lockdown' in March to contain the spread of the pandemic, migrant informal workers were mired in a survival crisis, through income loss, hunger, destitution and persecution from authorities policing containment and fearful communities maintaining 'social distance'. In this context, the article analyses how poverty, informality and inequality are accentuated by the COVID-19 pandemic experiences of 'locked down' migrant workers. The article examines the nature and scope of existing social policy, designed under changing political regimes and a fluctuating economic climate, to protect this vulnerable group and mitigate dislocation, discrimination and destitution at this moment and in future.

OBJECTIVES: The objectives of this study were to assess racial/ethnic trends in surveillance data in four states--California, New York, Florida and Texas, identify structural barriers to and facilitators of access to HIV pharmaceuticals by individuals in Medicaid and the AIDS Drug Assistance Program (ADAP), and identify treatment education and outreach efforts responding to the needs of ethnic minority HIV patients. METHODS: State surveillance and claims data were used to assess trends by race/ethnicity in AIDS cases and mortality as well as participation rates in Medicaid and ADAP. Key informant interviews with state program administrators and local clinic-based benefit eligibility workers were used to identify social and policy barriers to and facilitators of access to HIV drugs and state strategies for overcoming racial/ethnic disparities. RESULTS: Racial/ethnic disparities in the reduction of AIDS-related mortality were identified in three of the four states studied. Policy barriers included Medicaid requirements for legal immigration status and residency, limits on Medicaid eligibility based on disability requirements, and state-imposed income and benefit limits on ADAP. Social barriers to accessing AIDS medications included lack of information, distrust of government, and HIV-related stigma. State strategies for overcoming disparities included contracting with community-based organizations for treatment education and outreach, the use of regional minority coordinators, and public information campaigns. CONCLUSIONS: State policies play a significant role in determining access to HIV drugs, and state policies can be used to reduce racial/ethnic disparities in pharmaceutical access. Overall, eliminating racial/ethnic disparities in access to HIV pharmaceuticals appears to be an achievable goal.