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Abstract
This article investigates the narratives constructed around the Greek crisis by Spanish elite press, in the period between May 2010, the date of the first international bailout package of Greece, and June 2016, the date of the latest parliamentary elections in Spain, which registered a disappointing result for Podemos', SYRIZA's sister party. The victory of SYRIZA in the January 2015 elections in Greece marks a pivotal point in European politics generally and the Spanish political discourse specifically about the Hellenic crisis, as it signalled the voicing of public discontent to austerity not only through parliamentary representation but ultimately through the formation of government. From 2010 to 2015, majority party leaders in Spain insisted that 'Spain is not Greece', aiming to dissociate the country from the Greek counterpart on the basis of its politics, claimed to be corrupt, the level of individual responsibility of its citizens, 'living beyond their means' and the standing of Spain as an economic power in Europe. From 2015 until the floundering of Podemos in the 2016 elections, the elite discourse circulated the idea that Spain could become like Greece, if ruled by a populist formation similar to SYRIZA. The article critically analyses Spain's benchmark newspapers coverage, El País and El Mundo of the crisis, and contextualizes the similarities and differences of treatment between the Greek and the Spanish cases. It does so taking into account the emergence of Podemos and the election victory of SYRIZA, both deriving from public disagreement with and dissent to national and Troika policies, which proved to have altered the political landscape and to have fundamentally destabilized the long-standing bipartisan political domination in their respective countries.

"The patent disconnection between the institutions of the European Union and the citizens of Europe has been widely attributed by political leaders and scholars to a 'communications gap', that is, to the way EU affairs are mediated by the media, and to the apparent lack of interest by national elites in conveying the importance of Europe. This book challenges this 'mediation theory' and suggests instead a cultural and systemic explanation for the distant and bureaucratic character of the European Union. Apportioning the blame for the communication gap to the media and national politicians neglects two real deficits which prevent Europe from enjoying a vibrant public sphere: a deficit of domesticisation, a popular disconnection with the idea of the EU, and a deficit of politicisation with European politics, it being difficult to categorise as through traditional methods of 'left vs. right'. This book suggests that popular disengagement with the EU is a consequence of the fact that Europe as a cultural community is an interdependent continent rather than a nation and that, as an political institution, the EU is a pseudo-confederation full of anti-publicity bias, elite-driven integration, corporatism and diplomacy. The result is a book that is an essential read for students and scholars of political communication and of the European Union"--

The Spanish general elections of 2008 held attributes familiar to Western democracies: permanent campaigning, negativism, and personalization. The mainstream media played along the strategy of bipartisan polarization encouraged by the Socialists and the conservatives, which resulted in a loss of power for the smaller nationalist parties and the postcommunist left. Candidate debates returned to Spanish television after fifteen years, but the moderating role of journalists was banned by the two big parties, who defined and agreed on the debate topics beforehand.The use of new communication technologies by political parties did not result in an open-source campaign. Spontaneous citizen participation was more feared than desired, and formerly revolutionary Web 2.0 was co-opted and tamed by the parties, integrating it into their political marketing tool kit.

Editorial del número 14(1) de enero-junio de 2021.

High-profile events can trigger expressions of hate speech online, which in turn modifies attitudes and offline behavior towards stigmatized groups. This paper addresses the first path of this process using manual and computational methods to analyze the stream of Twitter messages in Spanish around the boat Aquarius (n = 24,254) before and after the announcement of the Spanish government to welcome the boat in June 2018, a milestone for asylum seekers acceptance in the EU and an event that was highly covered by media. It was observed that most of the messages were related to a few topics and had a generally positive sentiment, although a significant part of messages expressed rejection or hate—often supported by stereotypes and lies—towards refugees and migrants and towards politicians. These expressions grew after the announcement of hosting the boat, although the general sentiment of the messages became more positive. We discuss the theoretical, practical, and methodological implications of the study, and acknowledge limitations referred to the examined timeframe and to the preliminary condition of the conclusions.

Los movimientos sociales de naturaleza política han innovado en la política internacional. Los actores no estatales han ocupado el espacio de la diplomacia pública, anteriormente limitada al estado nación. Metodología. Se analizan las campañas en redes sociales, los actores, los mensajes y las actividades políticas de los movimientos políticos independentistas catalán y escocés vinculados al referendo. Resultados. El movimiento catalán por la independencia ha apalancado sus resultados en la defensa de la identidad y la comunidad epistémica. Los partidarios escoceses del sí a la creación del nuevo estado sí han orientado la estrategia de protesta hacia la política. Discusión. Se examina la diplomacia de movilización, el uso de las redes sociales para la promoción internacional de mensajes de contenido político y el refuerzo de la lengua y la cultura propia. Conclusiones. Estamos ante una fase expansiva de la diplomacia pública. Más actores se incorporan a la arena internacional mediante la producción y la difusión de mensajes en las redes sociales.