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Abstract
Mass protest movements of the early 2010s, particularly the Occupy movement, stimulated the rise of radical left organizations globally. In Southern Europe, radical left parties celebrated their first electoral successes. In Russia, radical left organizations were also influenced by this upsurge of social protest movements and participated in the Bolotnaya protests in 2011–2012 but were marginalized and disintegrated shortly after, resuming their activities only by 2019. This article explores the radical left movements and groups in Russia and offers projections for their future. The Russian radical left is divided into three sub-groups: fundamentalist communists who identify with Stalin and the Soviet Union, libertarian socialists and communists (subdivided into neo-anarchists, autonomists, and neo-Trotskyists), and hybrid organizations (e.g., the Left Front). These organizations face two major constraints unknown to their Western counterparts. First, Russia's authoritarian regime blocks opportunities for independent, particularly electoral, politics. This reveals itself in targeted repressions against left radicals and anarchists. Second, the dominance of the CPRF blocks any potential of strong left opposition. Unless these restrictions are lifted, radical left organizations in Russia will not be able to overcome their current crisis.

The article suggests a methodical approach to determining the index of the explosive action of munitions during their full-scale tests and provides calculated dependencies for its determination. These dependencies can be used to automate the process of obtaining the initial data necessary for assessing the effectiveness of the munitions that destroy munitions, the solution of which can be used to predict possible damage on military highways while undermining various munitions taking into account various properties of the ground, as well as in innovative technologies for efficient construction roads. ; В статье предложен методический подход к расчету характеристик фугасного действия боеприпасов при проведении их натурных испытаний и приведены расчетные зависимости для их определения. Эти зависимости можно использовать при автоматизации процесса получения исходных данных, необходимых для задач оценки эффективности поражающего фугасного действия боеприпасов, решение которых могут применяться для прогнозирования возможных разрушений на военных автомобильных дорогах при подрыве разных видов боеприпасов с учетом различных свойств грунта, а также в инновационных технологиях эффективного строительства автомобильных дорог.

The article examines the experience of engineering and road forces in conducting reconnaissance of military highways in the winter during the Great Patriotic War, showing that the main attention was paid to the training of winter games with snow-plowing of roads, for which a snowmobile plan was prepared. The studied experience is useful for modern engineering and road forces, as well as in the civil sphere, especially for road specialists taking part in the development of the northern regions of our country. ; В статье изучен опыт инженерных и дорожных войск в проведении разведки военно-автомобильных дорог зимой в период Великой Отечественной войны; показано, что основное внимание уделялось строительству зимников и борьбе со снегозаносимостью дорог, для чего составлялся план снегоборьбы. Изученный опыт полезен для современных инженерных и дорожных войск, а также в гражданской сфере, особенно для дорожных специалистов, принимающих участие в освоении северных районов Российской Федерации.

The article examines the emergence, development, and current state of two Russian radical leftist groups often overlooked by political scholars of Russia: neo-Trotskyists and neo-Stalinists. The genesis of the neo-Trotskyist and neo-Stalinist parties and groups was of a different nature. The neo-Trotskyist movements and groups (Revolutionary Workers' Party, Russian Socialist Movement, Socialist Alternative) originated from below, under the influence of international Trotskyist organizations, and consist mainly of young people. Most of these are organizations of democratic socialists that maintain a connection with the Marxist tradition. The neo-Stalinist parties, conversely, emerged as a result of the collapse of the CPSU (All-Union Communist Party of the Bolsheviks, Russian Communist Workers' Party) or the secession from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (Communist Party "Communists of Russia," United Communist Party). The authors also analyze the factors that contribute to the marginalization of the Russian radical left. The socio-economic state of the Russian society is far from a severe economic crisis, which could have contributed to the popularity of left-wing radicalism. The demographic factor contributes to the decline of neo-Stalinist parties, but has little effect on neo-Trotskyist groups. The orientation towards the maximum preservation of the status quo, which is an imperative to Russian domestic policy also influences the marginalization of the Russian radical left. Perhaps one of the main factors blocking the development of the radical left in Russia is the adherence of a significant part of them to the Soviet experience and their ignorance of the experience of the Western left. The devotion to the Soviet experience allows the Russian left, both moderate and radical, to maintain its social base, however prevents them from keeping up to date and proposing new goals and new tactics to achieve them.