Suchergebnisse

Desde el año 2015, la Ley Orgánica 1/2015 de 30 de marzo introdujo la denominada "Prisión Permanente Revisable" en nuestro Ordenamiento. Esta pena es una modalidad de cadena perpetua, que tiene como característica principal el hecho de que, tras un gran número de años de condena, el reo puede optar a obtener su libertad a través de una revisión de su situación que llevará a cabo un Tribunal. Esta pena ha traído consigo una gran controversia, ya que no son pocos los autores que consideran que esta pena es inconstitucional. Asimismo, ha sido también un importante tema de debate por parte de los partidos políticos, los cuales, en su mayoría, no apoyan que esta pena se haya incorporado a nuestro Ordenamiento. En el presente trabajo se analizará cómo se ha incorporado la Prisión Permanente Revisable en España, analizando la Ley Orgánica 1/2015, haciendo una comparativa con otros países europeos, estudiando la evolución histórica de la Prisión Permanente en España y analizando cuáles son los elementos que la convierten, según muchos autores, en inconstitucional. Asimismo, se analizarán las Sentencias más importantes que ha emitido sobre este tema el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos. Con todo esto se pretende conseguir formar una opinión objetiva sobre este tema, basándose en la información recopilada. ; Since 2015, the Organic Law 1/2015 dated of March 30th introduced the called Permanent reviewable prison in our legal system. This is a form of life imprisonment, which has as its main characteristic the fact that, through a large number of years of sentence, the inmate may choose to obtain his freedom through a review of his situation, carried out by a Court. This penalty has brought with it a great controversy, since there are many authors who consider that this penalty is unconstitutional. Likewise, it has also been an important topic of debate on the part of the political parties, which, for the most part, do not support that this penalty has been incorporated into our Order. In the present work we will analyze ...

European cities are essential in the development of Europe as they constitute the living environment of more than 60% of the population in the European Union and are drivers of the European economy – just under 85% of the EU's gross domestic product is produced in urban areas (EC, 2007a). The car has been one of the main factors of development during the 20th century, but it is at the same time the origin of the key problems cities have to face: traffic increase. This has resulted in chronic congestion with many adverse consequences such as air pollution and noise. This loss of environmental quality is one of the reasons for urban sprawl in European cities during recent decades. But this urban sprawl at the same time worsens the environmental conditions. We must return to the dense city, but clean and competitive, and this implies reducing car use yet provides quality transport alternatives sufficient to recover and maintain the competitiveness of cities (EC, 2007a). Consequently, European cities need to establish an urban transport strategy which helps reduce their environmental problems –mainly emissions and noise – but without decreasing their trip attraction. This aspect is very important because a loss of trip attraction would result in an increase of people moving to more disperse areas, contributing towards worsening the current situation. This thesis is an attempt to contribute solutions to this problem in two ways: 1) The first is to analyze the complementarity and possible synergies of several urban transport measures aimed at improving a modal split to a more sustainable means of transport. This analysis will focus on the three aspects already mentioned: emissions, noise and attractiveness or competitiveness. 2) Once possible synergies and complementarities have been analyzed, the second objective is to propose the best combination of these measures, in terms of level of implementation, to achieve the maximum benefit with respect to the three aspects previously established: emissions, noise and ...

El presupuesto de la UE se encuentra en un momento especial en cuanto a la función que tiene dentro de la Unión y del proceso de construcción europea. No es una cuestión sencilla de definir el alcance del presupuesto comunitario y su papel como principal instrumento de financiación de las políticas comunitarias. A pesar de su limitación –cerca del 1% del producto nacional bruto de la Unión–, con el presupuesto comunitario se financian numerosas actividades en los Estados miembros de la UE. No obstante, el presupuesto comunitario no es el único instrumento que está a disposición de la UE a la hora de proyectar y financiar políticas a nivel europeo, sino que existen otros recursos que se emplean de manera paralela o complementaria a los instrumentos presupuestarios y que podrían aumentar su importancia y eficacia en tiempos de austeridad presupuestaria. Tras un debate del estado actual de las negociaciones del nuevo marco financiero 2014-2020, en este documento de trabajo se analizarán, en primer lugar, los instrumentos financieros que no se reflejan directamente en el presupuesto comunitario, como el Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo y la co-financiación de programas a través de presupuestos nacionales, así como el compromiso de los Estados miembros de lanzar iniciativas coordinadas y paralelas y los créditos del BEI. En segundo lugar, se presta especial atención a los nuevos instrumentos de financiación creados en el contexto de la crisis de la deuda. Finalmente, se concluye que los nuevos instrumentos de financiación cobrarán una mayor importancia en la próxima negociación de perspectivas financieras.

Está abierto un proceso de debate a nivel europeo sobre la revisión del presupuesto y de las políticas comunitarias. La Conferencia de Bruselas en noviembre de 2008 ha supuesto el fin de la fase de debate público y el inicio de una nueva en la cual se espera la presentación por parte de la Comisión Europea de un Libro Blanco.

Die Verfasserinnen zeigen, dass sämtliche "Rettungspakete" und wirtschaftspolitische Maßnahmen zur Bekämpfung der Krise geschlechterblind waren; weder Gender Mainstreaming noch Gender Budgeting fanden Berücksichtigung. Die Sparpolitik hat zu einer weiteren Schlechterstellung bestimmter gesellschaftlichen Gruppen, vor allem Frauen, Kindern, Jungen und Alten, geführt, die sinnbildlich durch die Abschaffung des erst 2008 gegründeten Gleichstellungsministeriums und die Preisgabe der geschlechterparitätischen Besetzung der Regierung untermauert wird. Die Analyse der Arbeitsmarktdaten und der sozialen Sicherungssysteme zeigt, dass Frauen in stärkerem Maße von den Lohnkürzungen im öffentlichen Dienst, vom Absenken des realen Mindestlohns, von der Reform des Rentensystems und von allgemeinen Kürzungen in den Bereichen Gesundheit, Bildung sowie in der Familien- und Sozialpolitik betroffen sind. Die landesweiten Proteste gegen die Politik der Regierung, die auch international viel Aufmerksamkeit erregten, klammern allerdings bislang geschlechterpolitische Anliegen ebenso aus wie die institutionalisierte Politik. (ICE2)

AbstractObjectiveThe article evaluates the 2007 introduction of nontransferable and fully paid paternity leave in Spain.BackgroundPrevious research has focused on paternity leave reforms, especially in the Nordic and continental countries. This article studies characteristics of the parental leave system design, including transferability, payment, and purpose of different types of leave for mothers and fathers in a Mediterranean country.MethodWe use a quasi‐experimental approach based on a sample of heterosexual dual‐earner couples with children born before and after the paternity leave introduction. We estimate differences in differences regression models.ResultsThe 2007 reform caused a significant increase in fathers' number of days of parental leave. Most fathers used the whole nontransferable and fully paid paternity leave, but they hardly used transferable or unpaid leave. Mothers used all of these, especially paid leave.ConclusionThe number of nontransferable fully paid days of parental leave provided by law approximates the actual number of days most fathers used.ImplicationsThe policy design matters. A design of equal, nontransferable, and fully paid leave for each parent is necessary for equal use by fathers and mothers—and thus for gender equality in families and work.

This article is based on a survey that we conducted among 1,130 couples with children 3-8 years old, in Madrid and its metropolitan area. This allowed us, in the first place to obtain an estimation of the take-up rate and duration of the different kinds of childbirth leaves that Spanish workers use when they have or adopt a child. In the second place, the participation of the father has been analyzed in comparison to the mother's in 18 specific childcare activities. A measure for father involvement in childcare (relative to the mother) that included 14 non-playful activities of childcare was built from there. Then, from a quantitative analysis with path analysis modelling with Amos program, we have obtained evidence that fathers who took more time off later tended to be more involved in the most routine childcare activities. Moreover, when considering other determinants of father's involvement in childcare, we can highlight the importance of having egalitarian gender attitudes, working in a family-friendly company, the net earnings, and the mother's working week. Most of these variables affect father's involvement in childcare directly and indirectly, through their effects on the duration of childbirth leave (which serves as a mediating variable). Finally, a specific determinant of the duration of childcare leave was the introduction of a 13-day paternity leave in Spain, in March 2007.

Increasingly, men are challenging the assumption that care is a feminine task and are involving themselves in childcare and the care of dependent adults. However, this does not necessarily have consequences for their work, as they very rarely make costly adaptations in their working lives. In this study, we propose a definition of a man in care (MIC) as a working father who, in order to meet care needs, has adapted his working life in a way that potentially entails a financial penalty. We analyze the prevalence of men in care among men living with children below the age of 15 across the EU-27 plus Iceland, Norway, Switzerland, and the UK using recent representative data (the European Labour Survey and its 2018 ad hoc module on work-life balance). We find that although the number of men engaging in costly work adaptations is still very low when compared to their female counterparts, the characteristics of these men can be clearly outlined: they have a non-manual occupation (managers excluded), they have temporary contracts or are self-employed, they are partnered to women who hold jobs of 40 or more hours a week and have a high educational attainment, and they work in family-friendly companies. Also, at the context level, the prevalence of MIC is clearly related to gender equality and values. However, we do not find evidence of any country having reached the universal caregiver model proposed by Nancy Fraser, including those with more advanced gender and welfare regimes.

Simple Summary Glucocorticoids are steroid hormones modulating different functions in mammals, including reproduction, that act through the glucocorticoid receptor, encoded by the gene called NR3C1. Here, we describe how the expression levels of the glucocorticoid receptor change along the different compartments of the female rabbit internal reproductive tract 20 h after insemination with sperm-free seminal plasma or natural mating (whole semen) (Experiment 1) and how these levels change at 10, 24, 36, 68, and 72 h post-mating, during specific stages over time, i.e., ovulation, fertilization and the interval of early embryo development to the morula stage occurs (Experiment 2). NR3C1-upregulation was found in the infundibulum at 20 h after all treatments, especially after sperm-free seminal plasma infusion compared to mating (Experiment 1). In Experiment 2, the receptor gene expression levels increased in a spatio-temporal sequence, corresponding to the assumed location of the rabbit embryos (particularly morulae) in the oviductal various segments and timepoints (particularly 72 h), compared to down-expression at uterine regions. We conclude that NR3C1 may play a relevant role in the rabbit female reproductive tract. Rabbits are interesting as research animal models for reproduction, due to their condition of species of induced ovulation, with the release of endogenous gonadotropin-releasing hormone (GnRH) due to coitus. Glucocorticoid (GC) signaling, crucial for physiological homeostasis, is mediated through a yet unclear mechanism, by the GC receptor (NR3C1/GR). After mating, the female reproductive tract undergoes dynamic modifications, triggered by gene transcription, a pre-amble for fertilization and pregnancy. This study tested the hypothesis that when ovulation is induced, the expression of NR3C1 is influenced by sperm-free seminal plasma (SP), similarly to after mating (whole semen), along the different segments of the internal reproductive tract of female rabbits. Semen (mating) was compared to vaginal infusion of sperm-free SP (Experiment 1), and changes over time were also evaluated, i.e., 10, 24, 36, 68, and 72 h post-mating, corresponding to specific stages, i.e., ovulation, fertilization, and the interval of early embryo development up to the morula stage (Experiment 2). All does were treated with GnRH to induce ovulation. Samples were retrieved from seven segments of the reproductive tract (from the cervix to infundibulum), at 20 h post-mating or sperm-free SP infusion (Experiment 1) or at 10, 24, 36, 68, and 72 h post-mating (Experiment 2). Gene expression of NR3C1 was analyzed by qPCR. Results showed an increase in NR3C1 expression in the infundibulum compared to the other anatomical regions in the absence of spermatozoa when sperm-free SP infusion was performed (Experiment 1). Moreover, during the embryo transport through the oviduct, the distal isthmus was time-course upregulated, especially at 72 h, when morulae are retained in this anatomical region, while it was downregulated in the distal uterus at 68 h (Experiment 2). The overall results suggest that NR3C1, the GC receptor gene, assessed in the reproductive tract of does for the first time, shows differential expression changes during the interval of oviductal and uterine embryo transport that may imply a relevant role of the GC action, not only close to the site of ovulation and fertilization, but also in the endometrium. ; Funding Agencies|Research Council FORMAS, Stockholm [2017-00946, 2019-00288]; Swedish Research Council (Vetenskapradet, VR) [2015-05919]; Juan de la Cierva Incorporacion Postdoctoral Research Program (MICINN) [IJDC-2015-24380]; Generalitat de Catalunya, Agency for Management of University and Research Grants; European Social FoundEuropean Social Fund (ESF) [2018 FI_B 00236]; Government of Spain Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports [FPU15/06029]; Seneca Foundation Murcia (Spain)Fundacion Seneca [20780/PD/18]