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In September, 1973, about 2,000 workers of the Zmaj factory in Belgrade went on strike.Politika, a Belgrade daily newspaper, reported that the director of the firm, surprised to see so many workers gathered in front of his office, believed (at first) that 'they were protesting against the counter-revolutionary oppression in Chile'. He was shocked to discover soon after that the workers were not demonstrating in support of Allende but, instead, were demanding higher wages. The director should not have been so taken aback. The Zmaj strike is only one of the approximately 3,000 incidents of industrial conflict that have taken place in Yugoslavia since it experienced its first post-war strike in 1958.

Do perceptions of political party corruption play a significant role in vote choice? More specifically, is intention to vote for a specific party influenced by perceptions of corruption of that party, as well as by perceptions of the degree of corruption of competing parties? To determine whether perceptions of political party corruption matter at all for voters' preferences, we propose a party choice model in which we estimate the influence of perceptions of corruption of each party, net of other variables, on vote intention. We focus on Poland, and use data from the Polish Panel survey, POLPAN, 1988-2008. Our analyses indicate that perceptions of political party corruption have an effect on the decision to participate in elections, on intention to vote for a particular party and on vote choice regardless of which party is chosen. Assessments of party malfeasance matter even when other determinants of the vote are considered. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

Do perceptions of political party corruption play a significant role in vote choice? More specifically, is intention to vote for a specific party influenced by perceptions of corruption of that party, as well as by perceptions of the degree of corruption of competing parties? To determine whether perceptions of political party corruption matter at all for voters' preferences, we propose a party choice model in which we estimate the influence of perceptions of corruption of each party, net of other variables, on vote intention. We focus on Poland, and use data from the Polish Panel survey, POLPAN, 1988–2008. Our analyses indicate that perceptions of political party corruption have an effect on the decision to participate in elections, on intention to vote for a particular party and on vote choice regardless of which party is chosen. Assessments of party malfeasance matter even when other determinants of the vote are considered.

LANGUAGE HAS OFTEN BEEN THE BASIS OF NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS WHEN A POPULATION IS LINGISTICALLY HOMOGENEOUS, LANGUAGE MAY CONTRIBUTE TO THE UNITY AND POLITCAL SSTABILITY OF A STATE. WHEN, OON THE OTHER HAND, A COUNTRY CONTAINS SIZABLE MINORITES SPEAKING DIFFERENT LANGUAGES, COMPETING MICRONATIONALIST MOVEMENTS MAY ARISE, POSING SERIOUS CHALLENGES TO AN ESTABLISHED STATE.

IntroduzioneLa recente elezione diretta del parlamento europeo ha acuito l'interesse di osservatori e studiosi nei confronti dell'emergente sistema partitico della comunità. Quale tipo di sistema finirà col prevalere dipende da diversi fattori tra i quali: il potere decisionale che l'assemblea avrà nel futuro, i temi di dibattito che verranno posti all'ordine del giorno, la forza dei diversi gruppi politici, la distanza tra gruppo e gruppo e la relativa omogeneità interna delle diverse formazioni. È evidente che in tutti questi rispetti le élites giocheranno un ruolo fondamentale e che le caratteristiche dell'emergente sistema partitico europeo dipenderanno dalle decisioni strategiche e tattiche dei dirigenti di partito, sia a livello nazionale che a livello comunitario. E ciò spiega perché la maggior parte degli studiosi nell'affrontare il tema abbia concentrato l'attenzione sul fenomeno a livello di élites, sottoponendo ad analisi manifesti e programmi elettorali dei diversi gruppi, o utilizzando interviste con deputati al parlamento europeo, o studiando i comportamenti e le prese di posizione delle diverse federazioni di partito.

A widely accepted generalization in the social science literature is that women tend to personalize politics & politicians. The meaning of this assertion, however, is not always clear, & varies from study to study. Available United States survey data from 1952 to 1976 are reviewed to determine whether & how women differ from men in their assessments of politicians. No evidence for a consistent sex difference in orientation to candidates versus issues is found. A wider range of categories is needed in analyzing grounds for voting for a candidate, & further research is needed to determine what differences there are between men & women in these categories. 2 Tables, Appendix. Modified HA.