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"This book analyzes the emergence, rise, and decline of insurgency by the Pakistani Taliban in Pakistan's North-Western region, also known as Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). It provides a detailed account of the rise and decline of the FATA insurgency and also examines aftereffects of the insurgency. Offering an in-depth analysis of how insurgency in the FATA began in 2004 after Pakistan entered its military forces into the tribal areas, the author illustrates that the use of repression by the Pakistani military against the FATA tribes explains the occurrence of insurgency which became so powerful that most of the FATA region fell under the control of the insurgents. The book further argues that a weak counterinsurgency strategy by the Pakistani government led the insurgency to become stronger and expand its control. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that a more robust counterinsurgency strategy adopted in the later years led to the collapse of the insurgency. In short, this book offers an explanation of what makes an insurgency more likely to occur and how insurgency escalates and declines. In addition, this book sheds light on recent development in FATA including the merger of FATA with the mainstream Pakistan, the rise of the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement, a non-violent protest movement, and the resurgence of the Pakistani Taliban especially after the Afghan Taliban capture of Kabul in the wake of US withdrawal of forces in Afghanistan. This book is a timely addition to the literature on South Asian Politics and Security Studies"--

"This book analyzes the emergence, rise, and decline of insurgency by the Pakistani Taliban in Pakistan's North-Western region, also known as Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). It provides a detailed account of the rise and decline of the FATA insurgency and also examines aftereffects of the insurgency. Offering an in-depth analysis of how insurgency in the FATA began in 2004 after Pakistan entered its military forces into the tribal areas, the author illustrates that the use of repression by the Pakistani military against the FATA tribes explains the occurrence of insurgency which became so powerful that most of the FATA region fell under the control of the insurgents. The book further argues that a weak counterinsurgency strategy by the Pakistani government led the insurgency to become stronger and expand its control. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that a more robust counterinsurgency strategy adopted in the later years led to the collapse of the insurgency. In short, this book offers an explanation of what makes an insurgency more likely to occur and how insurgency escalates and declines. In addition, this book sheds light on recent development in FATA including the merger of FATA with the mainstream Pakistan, the rise of the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement, a non-violent protest movement, and the resurgence of the Pakistani Taliban especially after the Afghan Taliban capture of Kabul in the wake of US withdrawal of forces in Afghanistan. This book is a timely addition to the literature on South Asian Politics and Security Studies"--

In the context of broad-based subjects like geopolitics or geoeconomics, basic human instincts and behaviors cannot be overlooked. The endeavor to unravel the complex idea of geoeconomics encounters the simple human urge of accumulating goods. Economics and politics go hand in hand, rather they provide cover to each other. The idea of geoeconomics replacing geopolitics as a new global force is easier to understand if the underlying phenomenon of power and control is weighed in. This phenomenon works in all possible ways to make its gains, through the political, economic, or forceful means. Like politics, economics too is moving globally and can be used to gain power over people and control over resources. Geoeconomics should be considered a form, or means of gaining political ends. Political economy is conducting economics through politics, and conversely, economic-politics or geoeconomics means conducting politics through economics. Economics is an activity that creates movement of goods, increases productivity, and brings prosperity. When it becomes a means to gain power and control upon 'others', in addition to these gains, it turns into geoeconomics.

Çalışma, yeni iletişim teknolojisi, Yapay Zeka ve Büyük Veri'nin Türkiye'de siyasal iletişim için olası kullanımlarını ve etkilerini bulmaya yönelik bir girişimdi. Çalışmanın amacı, Ortadoğu'da mücadele eden bir demokrasi için yeni iletişim teknolojisini

In order to measure the accurate outcome of different visualization mechanism it is imperative to adopt a shrewd strategy. Indeed, the outcome of experiment is focusing to assess the value of complex visualization approaches when comparing with alternative methods for data analysis. The interaction between participant prior knowledge and experience, a diverse range of experimental or real -world data sets and a dynamic interaction with the display system presents challenges when seeking timely, affordable and statistically relevant results. A hybrid approach proposed is being proposed to deal with complex interactive data analysis tools. This approach involves a structured survey completed after free engagement with the software platform by expert participants. The survey captures objective and subjective data points relating to the experience with the goal of making an assessment of the software performance supported by statistically significant experimental results. This work is particularly applicable to field of network analysis for cyber security and also military cyber operations and intelligence data analysis.

The Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan insurgency seriously challenged the Pakistani government's writ of state in FATA from 2004 to 2008. However, by 2017, the insurgency collapsed. This paper argues that Pakistan's counterinsurgency campaign after 2009 caused the decline of the Taliban insurgency by targeting the TTP through a true counterinsurgency operation, rather than the conventional warfare tactics used earlier. This counterinsurgency shift involved a more judicious use of force, rather than simply more force, and deployed both enemy-centric and population-centric approaches, but with a marked emphasis on the former over the latter.

Eurocentrism denotes a non-homogenous set of ideas and practices that pervade the material and discursive worlds we inhabit. Rather than countervailing Eurocentric knowledges, we can treat them as contingent representations with specific premises and intelligible conditions of possibility and change. Analyzing Eurocentrism is synonymous with critical engagement with the disciplines and topical arenas that define our work. To exemplify this viewpoint, this paper evaluates epistemological framings deployed in the work of Gottlieb W. Leitner (d. 1899) and Jurji Zaidan (d. 1914), authors who published synthetic accounts of 'Islamic history' for wide consumption.Leitner collaborated with Indian scholars and wrote in Urdu on this topic while Zaidan was a major figure in the modern Arabic literary awakening known as the nahda. Their works champion Muslims and Arabs on the basis of thoroughly Eurocentric ideas regarding universal 'civilization'. They are invested in proper understanding of 'history' as the guarantor of accurate interpretation in modern scholarship that utilizes premodern sources. Appreciating the work of Leitner and Zaidan as knowledge production that entangles Europe and non-Europe—and value-laden projections regarding modernity and premodernity—helps to treat Eurocentrism in current and future scholarship in the humanities and the social sciences.

The study aimed to explore representation of civil and military leadership of Pakistan in the two mainstream newspapers of the UK i.e. the Guardian and the Telegraph through the lenses of qualitative textual analysis. It analyzed 25 leading articles and byline stories as the sample was selected through purposive sampling technique. The study was theoretically linked Shoemaker and Rees's theory of influences on media contents and propaganda model of Herman and Chomsky. Overall mix representation of political leadership was explored with binary frames of popular charismatic leaders, puppets of military establishment, assertive, symbol of corruption and bad governance, champion of human rights, orthodox and fundamentalist, pro west, pro militant and ally of the US etc. The selected newspapers painted positive image of Farooq Ahmad Khan Laghari then President of Pakistan and Salman Tasser, governor of the province Punjab and paid tribute to him for raising his voice against the blasphemy law. While on the other hand the military leadership was framed with negative attributes as anti-democrat, disobedient to civilian leadership and as state within the state. Among the military leadership, three- fourth coverage of General Ishfaq Pervez Kiyani was found neutral to military leadership. While the Chief of Army Staff, General Raheel Sharif was portrayed in favorable manners. Article DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.20319/pijss.2017.32.787808 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, PO Box 1866, Mountain View, CA 94042, USA.

Pakistan is member of Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) and South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) for past more than three decades. It is also an observer of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and expected to get full membership in June 2017. The track record so far and prospects ahead indicate that SAARC will remain hostage to Pak-India tensions, and India's quest for dominance. ECO, while not having recorded a desirable progress either, signals comparatively more potential. Cooperation with China and Russia from ECO's platform seems a bright possibility. SCO, with both security and economic cooperation in its scope, presents even brighter prospects for Pakistan for a broader regional level engagement. Besides, inter-organization cooperation and sub-regional initiatives can be explored and fostered.

This paper offers an outline of a 'new' social contractenvisaged by Ferenbach and Pinney (2012), and establishes itscritical appraisal elucidating the inaccuracy of their assertionsincluding the one, which is erroneously dubbed as a 'new' socialcontract, purportedly, not based on any ideology. Thus, the discreetembeddedness of the 'new' social contract in ideological and politicalperspectives is explicitly exposed. In fact, the suggested 'new' socialcontract is more or less a continuation or an extension of the pervasiveneoliberal ideology. The proposed social contract may at the most beviewed as a new variant of neoliberal ideology. It is also observedthat the proposed integration of CSV (creating shared value) withbusiness in the context of proposed social contract is on the whole adisguised strategic CSR (corporate social